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"With John Maynard Keynes feted by governments once more, would you dare
to guess how desperate things must become before a true revolution in policy
becomes possible...?"
THE SUN SHONE BRIGHTLY on London for the silver jubilee of King George
V as if to spite him. For it rarely smiled on his reign.
Although cheering crowds thronged the streets on May 6th 1935, his 25 years
on the imperial throne, said the Archbishop of Canterbury in his commemorative
address at St.Paul's Cathedral, marked a quarter-century "of almost unbroken
anxiety and strain". Only the prime minister, Ramsay MacDonald, and the elected
House of Commons would dissent before the orations were done, claiming they
were also "years of happy prosperity...of resolute achievement."
Perhaps MacDonald was thinking of his own achievements, such as becoming the
first-ever Labour prime minister (not once, but twice!), or reducing the crushing
reparations demanded of Germany after World War One. Or ordering the Admirality
to stop improving its defenses at Singapore. Or signing an arms-limitation
treaty with both the United States and Japan. Or championing the world Disarmament
Conference at Geneva in 1932, only to watch Nazi Germany quit the League of
Nations altogether in 1933.
Either way, MacDonald - like the King himself - would be dead within two years,
ignorant of the devastation yet to come. And with one-in-five working men out
of a job that bright spring morning in 1935, and with "fear and preparation
for war again astir in the world" as George V put it on his jubilee, both the
monarch and his subjects felt there was little to celebrate.
First embittered political wrangling - culminating in the People's Budget
of 1911 - had brought the welfare state kicking and screaming into British
life, law and tax rates. Then came the Great War, "the fiercest ordeal which
the nation has ever been summoned to face," as Canterbury called it, the "most
desolating war in history," according to the House of Lords' address.
Only further hardships followed, however, starting with the epidemic of Spanish
Flu in 1919 and worsening into "the economic destruction which [was] inheritance
to our generation," in the words of MacDonald, who confessed that the economic
and industrial problems before him were "baffling". And "beyond the seas, there
[were] other, perhaps even greater, changes," admitted the Lords; "free institutions
have sprung into being and have flourished throughout your Empire...[marking]
the growth of your self-governing Dominions."
All told, concluded the House of Commons, "Your Majesty's reign has seen profound
changes in world conditions, and the consequent emergence of complex and unfamiliar
problems." George himself, replying to parliament's praise on May 9th, laid
out the devastation he ruled over.
And there, ghastly as any corpse thrown up by the plough-shares of north-eastern
France, lay the Gold Standard.
"In the aftermath of war," said the King, "in a world exhausted by its ordeals
and impoverished by its destruction, we set ourselves to resume our normal
ways, to recreate the structure of our industry and commerce..."
The Bank of England's infamous "Norman Conquest" of 1926 - when the British
Pound went back onto the Gold Standard at the old pre-war exchange rate after
a deliberate policy of deflation in prices and wages - worked to squash credit
and lending, spending and growth. Led by the Bank's governor, Montagu Norman,
the return to gold over-valued the sharply inflated Pound against its competing
currencies, forcing the depression in both exports and domestic demand to continue,
even spreading across Empire, seeping into world trade just as the United States'
credit bubble reached its peak.
By 1929, the volume of British exports still remained below 1913 levels. By
value, British exports had gained nothing after the Bank of England achieved
its aim.
"We were treading unfamiliar and broken ground," continued George V, four
years after Britain finally abandoned the Gold Standard for good...or worse.
The loss of honor, esteem and pride was sharply felt, but "there had been far-reaching
changes, especially in economic conditions. Everywhere a feeling of uncertainty
and lack of confidence hung like a shadow over human endeavour."
The Gold Standard, in other words - that "normal way" of structuring finance
and business - would no longer fit. Returning the British Pound Sterling to
its familiar position as the king-pin of world currencies seemed to weaken
the economy, not rebuild it.
And now? It's hard to imagine the length and depth of devastation which brought
about such a turn in Britain's monetary policy. A full quarter-century of constant
strife had hollowed out its manufacturing base; the collapse of world trade
during the 1930s then decimated the City of London's power as a commercial
center, too. The end of gold had also required the record inflation - and untold
slaughter - of the First World War, let alone the peace-time inflation needed
to fund "Homes Fit for Heroes" in its wake.

That's why the present chatter about "tearing up the rule-book" in government
policy, allowing a surge in government debt to finance make-work programs and
tax-funded loans - direct to consumers and business - means so little. At this
stage, at least.
So far in this crisis, starting in August 2007, economic policy both in Europe
and the US - as in Japan - has simply followed the normal ways long-prevailing:
"Tax, spend and borrow...for tomorrow they vote."
That most "post-war" of men - and the man who built the post-WWII settlement
forcing the rest of the world to accept US Dollars in lieu of gold at Bretton
Woods - John Maynard Keynes "suddenly appears to be back in fashion," notes
the US writer and self-proclaimed conservative Christopher Chantrill.
The father of the international Dollar Standard, and an economist whose doctrine
of tax, spend and borrow was hardly dented by the soaring inflation it caused
in the late 1970s, "Keynes was born in a world where government spending was
under 20% of GDP," Chantrill goes on - and he should know, having nailed together
the British data from Treasury reports and forecasts, ONS data, NBER articles
and guesswork relating to local authority receipts at the excellent UKpublicspending.co.uk.
"Keynes studied in one of the largest conflicts the world had ever seen, when
government spending was on average 25% of GDP...wrote his works in a world
where government spending was 25% of GDP and during the largest conflict the
world has ever seen, when spending went over 60%, but after the war went down
to 35%."
Don't those numbers seem quaint today? Can you imagine a world - mired in
depression - where government spending could double to 50% of gross domestic
product!
And dare you guess just how desperate things must become before a true revolution
in economic policy even becomes possible?
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