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There
is a reason I call this column Outside the Box. I try to get material that
forces us to think outside our normal comfort zones and challenges our common
assumptions. And this week's letter does just that. I have made the comment
more than once that is it unusual for two major bubbles to burst and for the
conversation and our experience to be rising inflation and not a serious problem
with deflation.
Van Hoisington and Dr. Lacy Hunt give us a seminar on why they think it is
deflation that will ultimately be the problem and not inflation we are dealing
with today. This week's letter requires you to think, but it will be worth
the effort.
Now, if you put all of the various inputs together, Hoisington and Hunt show
that theory suggests we will soon be dealing with deflation. It's counter-
intuitive to what we hear today, which is why the Bank for International Settlements
used the stagflation word in a recent report. The transition that is coming
will not be comfortable.
Hoisington Investment Management Company (www.hoisingtonmgt.com)
is a registered investment advisor specializing in fixed income portfolios
for large institutional clients. Located in Austin, Texas, the firm has over
$4-billion under management, composed of corporate and public funds, foundations,
endowments, Taft-Hartley funds, and insurance companies. And their track record
over the last 20 years suggests we should pay attention. And now let's jump
right in to the essay.
John Mauldin, Editor
Outside the Box
Quarterly Review and Outlook - First Quarter 2009
by Van Hoisington and Dr. Lacy Hunt
Inflation/Deflation
Over the next decade, the critical element in any investment portfolio will
be the correct call regarding inflation or its antipode, deflation. Despite
near term deflation risks, the overwhelming consensus view is that "sooner
or later" inflation will inevitably return, probably with great momentum. This
inflationist view of the world seems to rely on two general propositions. First,
the unprecedented increases in the Fed's balance sheet are, by definition,
inflationary. The Fed has to print money to restore health to the economy,
but ultimately this process will result in a substantially higher general price
level. Second, an unparalleled surge in federal government spending and massive
deficits will stimulate economic activity. This will serve to reinforce the
reflationary efforts of the Fed and lead to inflation.
These propositions are intuitively attractive. However, they are beguiling
and do not stand the test of history or economic theory. As a consequence,
betting on inflation as a portfolio strategy will be as bad a bet in the next
decade as it has been over the disinflationary period of the past twenty years
when Treasury bonds produced a higher total return than common stocks. This
is a reminder that both stock and Treasury bond returns are sensitive to inflation,
albeit with inverse results.
Economic Theory
If inflation and interest rates were to rise in this recession, or in the
early stages of a recovery, the expansion would be cut short and the economy
would either remain in, or relapse into recession. In late stages of economic
downturns, substantial amounts of unutilized labor and other resources exist.
Thus, both factory utilization and unemployment rates lag other economic indicators.
For instance, reflecting this severe recession, unused labor and other productive
resources have increased sharply. The yearly percentage decline in household
employment is the largest since current data series began in 1949. In March
the unemployment rate stood at 8.5%, up from a cyclical low of 4.4%. This is
the highest level since the early 1980s. The labor department's broader U6
unemployment rate includes those less active in the labor markets and working
part time because full time work is not available. The U6 rate of 15.6% in
March was the highest in the 15 year history of the series and up from its
cyclical low of 7.9%. The operating rate for all industries and manufacturing
both fell to their lowest levels on record in March. Manufacturing capacity
was around 15% below the sixty year average (Chart 1). Given these conditions,
let's assume for the moment that inflation rises immediately. With unemployment
widespread, wages would seriously lag inflation. Thus, real household income
would decline and truncate any potential gain in consumer spending.

A technically superior and more complete method of capturing the concept of
excess labor and capacity is the Aggregate Supply and Demand Curve (Chart 2).
Inflation will not commence until the Aggregate Demand (AD) Curve shifts outward
sufficiently to reach the part of the Aggregate Supply (AS) curve that is upward
sloping. The AS curve is perfectly elastic or horizontal when substantial excess
capacity exists. Excess capacity causes firms to cut staff, wages and other
costs. Since wage and benefit costs comprise about 70% of the cost of production,
the AS curve will shift outward, meaning that prices will be lower at every
level of AD. Therefore, multiple outward shifts in the Aggregate Demand curve
will be required before the economy encounters an upward sloping Aggregate
Supply Curve thus creating higher price levels. In our opinion such a process
will take well over a decade.

Record Expansion of the Fed's Balance Sheet and M2
In the past year, the Fed's balance sheet, as measured by the monetary base,
has nearly doubled from $826 billion last March to $1.64 trillion, and potentially
larger increases are indicated for the future. The increases already posted
are far above the range of historical experience. Many observers believe that
this is the equivalent to printing money, and that it is only a matter of time
until significant inflation erupts. They recall Milton Friedman's famous quote
that "inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon."
These gigantic increases in the monetary base (or the Fed's balance sheet)
and M2, however, have not led to the creation of fresh credit or economic growth.
The reason is that M2 is not determined by the monetary base alone, and GDP
is not solely determined by M2. M2 is also determined by factors the Fed does
not control. These include the public's preference for checking accounts versus
their preference for holding currency or time and saving deposits and the bank's
needs for excess reserves. These factors, beyond the Fed's control, determine
what is known as the money multiplier. M2 is equal to the base times the money
multiplier. Over the past year total reserves, now 50% of the monetary base,
increased by about $736 billion, but excess reserves went up by nearly as much,
or about $722 billion, causing the money multiplier to fall (Chart 3). Thus,
only $14 billion, or a paltry 1.9% of the massive increase of total reserves,
was available to make loans and investments. Not surprisingly, from December
to March, bank loans fell 5.4% annualized. Moreover, in the three months ended
March, bank credit plus commercial paper posted a record decline.

If this all sounds complicated you are right, it is. The bottom line, however,
is that it is totally incorrect to assume that the massive expansion in reserves
created by the Fed is inflationary. Economic activity cannot move forward unless
credit expansion follows reserves expansion. That is not happening. Too much
and poorly financed debt has rendered monetary policy ineffective.
What about the M2 Surge?
M2 has increased by over a 14% annual rate over the past six months, which
is in the vicinity of past record growth rates. Liquidity creation or destruction,
in the broadest sense, has two components. The first is influenced by the Fed
and its allies in the banking system, and the second is outside the banking
system in what is often referred to as the shadow banking system. The equation
of exchange (GDP equals M2 multiplied by the velocity of money or V) captures
this relationship. The statement that all the Fed has to do is print money
in order to restore prosperity is not substantiated by history or theory. An
increase in the stock of money will only lead to a higher GDP if V, or velocity,
is stable. V should be thought of conceptually rather than mechanically. If
the stock of money is $1 trillion and total spending is $2 trillion, then V
is 2. If spending rises to $3 trillion and M2 is unchanged, velocity then jumps
to 3. While V cannot be observed without utilizing GDP and M, this does not
mean that the properties of V cannot be understood and analyzed.
The historical record indicates that V may be likened to a symbiotic relationship
of two variables. One is financial innovation and the other is the degree of
leverage in the economy. Financial innovation and greater leverage go hand
in hand, and during those times velocity is generally above its long-term average
of 1.67 (Chart 4). Velocity was generally below this average when there was
a reversal of failed financial innovation and deleveraging occurred. When innovation
and increased leveraging transpired early in the 20th century, velocity was
generally above the long-term average. After 1928 velocity collapsed, and remained
below the average until the early 1950s as the economy deleveraged. From the
early 1950s through 1980 velocity was relatively stable and never far from
1.67 since leverage was generally stable in an environment of tight financial
regulation. Since 1980, velocity was well above 1.67, reflecting rapid financial
innovation and substantially greater leverage. With those innovations having
failed miserably, and with the burdensome side of leverage (i.e. falling asset
prices and income streams, but debt remaining) so apparent, velocity is likely
to fall well below 1.67 in the years to come, compared with a still high 1.77
in the fourth quarter of 2008. Thus, as the shadow banking system continues
to collapse, velocity should move well below its mean, greatly impairing the
efficacy of monetary policy. This means that M2 growth will not necessarily
be transferred into higher GDP. For example, in Q4 of 2008 annualized GDP fell
5.8% while M2 expanded by 15.7%. The same pattern appears likely in Q1 of this
year.

The highly ingenious monetary policy devices developed by the Bernanke Fed
may prevent the calamitous events associated with the debt deflation of the
Great Depression, but they do not restore the economy to health quickly or
easily. The problem for the Fed is that it does not control velocity or the
money created outside the banking system.
Washington policy makers are now moving to increase regulation of the banks
and nonbank entities as well. This is seen as necessary as a result of the
excessive and unwise innovations of the past ten or more years. Thus, the lesson
of history offers a perverse twist to the conventional wisdom. Regulation should
be the tightest when leverage is increasing rapidly, but lax in the face of
deleveraging.
Are Massive Budget Deficits Inflationary?
Based on the calculations of the Congressional Budget Office, U.S. Government
Debt will jump to almost 72% of GDP in just four fiscal years. As such, this
debt ratio would advance to the highest level since 1950 (Chart 5). The conventional
wisdom is that this will restore prosperity and higher inflation will return.
Contrarily, the historical record indicates that massive increases in government
debt will weaken the private economy, thereby hindering rather than speeding
an economic recovery. This does not mean that a recovery will not occur, but
time rather than government action will be the curative factor.

By weakening the private economy, government borrowing is not an inflationary
threat. Much light on this matter can be shed by examining Japan from 1988
to the 2008 and the U.S. from 1929 to 1941. In the case of Japan government
debt to GDP ratio surged from 50% to almost 170%. So, if large increases in
government debt were the key to economic prosperity, Japan would be in the
greatest boom of all time. Instead, their economy is in shambles. After two
decades of repeated disappointments, Japan is in the midst of its worst recession
since the end of World War II. In the fourth quarter, their GDP declined almost
twice as fast as that of the U.S. or the EU. The huge increase in Japanese
government debt was created when it provided funds to salvage failing banks,
insurance and other companies, plus transitory tax relief and make-work projects.
In 2008, after two decades of massive debt increases, the Nikkei 225 average
was 77% lower than in 1989, and the yield on long Japanese Government Bonds
was less than 1.5% (Chart 6). As the Government Debt to GDP ratio surged, interest
rates and stock prices fell, reflecting the negative consequences of the transfer
of financial resources from the private to the public sector (Chart 7). Thus,
the fiscal largesse did not restore Japan to prosperity. The deprivation of
private sector funds suggested that these policy actions served to impede,
rather than facilitate, economic activity.


This recent Japanese experience mirrors U.S. history from 1929 to 1941 when
the ratio of U.S. government debt to GDP almost tripled from 16% to near 50%.
As the U.S. debt ratio rose, long Treasury yields moved lower, indicating that
the private sector was hurt, not helped, by the government's efforts. The yearly
low in long Treasury yields occurred at 1.95% in 1941, the last year before
full WWII mobilization. In 1941, the S&P 500, despite some massive rallies
in the 1930s, was 62% lower than in 1929, and had been falling since 1936.
Thus, two distinct periods separated by country and considerable time indicate
that stock prices respond unfavorably to massive government deficit spending
and bond yields decline.
The U.S. economy finally recovered during WWII. Some attribute this recovery
to a further increase in Federal debt which peaked at almost 109% of GDP. However,
the dynamics during the War were much different than from those of 1929 through
1941 and today. The U.S. ran huge trade surpluses as we supplied military and
other goods to allies, which served to lift the U.S. economy through a massive
multiplier effect. Additionally, 10% of our population, or 12 million persons,
were moved into military services. This is equivalent to 30 million people
today. Also, mandatory rationing of goods was instituted and people were essentially
forced to use an unprecedented portion of their income to buy U.S. bonds or
other saving instruments. This unparalleled saving permitted the U.S. economy
to recover from the massive debt acquired prior to 1929.
Bonds Still an Exceptional Value
Since the 1870s, three extended deflations have occurred--two in the U.S.
from 1874-94 and from 1928 to 1941, and one in Japan from 1988 to 2008. All
these deflations occurred in the aftermath of an extended period of "extreme
over indebtedness," a term originally used by Irving Fisher in his famous 1933
article, "The Debt-Deflation Theory of Great Depressions." Fisher argued that
debt deflation controlled all, or nearly all, other economic variables. Although
not mentioned by Fisher, the historical record indicates that the risk premium
(the difference between the total return on stocks and Treasury bonds) is also
apparently controlled by such circumstances. Since 1802, U.S. stocks returned
2.5% per annum more than Treasury bonds, but in deflations the risk premium
was negative. In the U.S. from 1874-94 and 1928-41, Treasury bonds returned
0.9% and 7% per annum, respectively, more than common stocks. In Japan's recession
from 1988-2008, Treasury bond returns exceeded those on common stocks by an
even greater 8.4%. Thus, historically, risk taking has not been rewarded in
deflation. The premier investment asset has been the long government bond (Table
1).

This table also speaks to the impact of massive government deficit spending
on stock and bond returns. In the U.S. from 1874-94, no significant fiscal
policy response occurred. The negative consequences of the extreme over indebtedness
were allowed to simply burn out over time. Discretionary monetary policy did
not exist then since the U.S. was on the Gold Standard. The risk premium was
not nearly as negative in the late 19th century as it was in the U.S. from
1928-41 and in Japan from 1988-2008 when the government debt to GDP ratio more
than tripled in both cases. In the U.S. 1874-94, at least stocks had a positive
return of 4.4%. In the U.S. 1928-41 and in Japan in the past twenty years,
stocks posted compound annual returns of negative 2.4% and 2.3%, respectively.
Therefore on a historical basis, U.S. Treasury bonds should maintain its position
as the premier asset class as the U.S. economy struggles with declining asset
prices, overindebtedness, declining income flows and slow growth.
Van R. Hoisington
Lacy H. Hunt, Ph.D.
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