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In his recent speech in Berlin, Greenspan was amazingly frank about the "increasingly
less tenable U.S. current account deficit," suggesting that foreign investors
would eventually reach a limit in their desire to finance the deficit and diversify
into other currencies or demand higher U.S. interest rates.
In essence, he expressed the new consensus view in America that the dollar
has to bear the brunt of reducing the U.S. current account deficit. Clearly,
American policymakers want a lower dollar, apparently entertaining strong hopes
that this will take care of the U.S. trade deficit, and we suspect that they
regard it as an easy solution for this problem.
We doubt first of all that it is a solution at all. Such expectations essentially
presuppose that an overvalued dollar is the main cause of the U.S. trade deficit.
This is bogus. By the measure of purchasing power, the dollar was hardly out
of line with the currencies of other industrialized countries.
The favorite American explanation for the huge and growing trade deficit is
the U.S. economy's superior growth performance and lacking foreign demand.
But the Chinese economy is growing much faster than the U.S. economy yet has
a big trade surplus. So had Japan in the late 1980s, and so had Germany in
the decades to the late 1970s.
This explanation of the trade deficit with superior U.S. GDP growth is another
illusion among many others. What crucially matters for a country's trade balance
is not its economy's growth rate, but its internal resource allocation between
consumption and investment. High rates of saving and investment make for a
strong trade balance, while high rates of consumption make for a weak trade
balance. America's unusually poor trade performance reflects extremely poor
rates of saving and investment. Overconsuming and undersaving America lacks
the necessary capital stock to increase its exports.
These observations essentially raise the question of whether or not the falling
dollar is prone to rebalance the U.S. economy's foreign trade. It is argued
that the dollar's slide did a great job slashing the U.S. trade deficit from
1989-1993. This is true, but was it really the falling dollar that did it?
It actually happened against the backdrop of a sharp slowdown in credit growth
and a recession in 1991.
During the four years 1989-93, total credit in the United States - financial
and nonfinancial - grew by a cumulative $3,255 billion, or $819 billion per
year. In flagrant contrast, during the four years to mid-2004, overall credit
grew virtually three times as fast, by $2.4 trillion per year, and there is
no letup in sight. Drawing on past experience, a fall of the dollar, however
steep, will hardly make a dent in the trade deficit by itself.
Lowering the trade deficit first requires a lowering of domestic demand growth,
and a drastic shift in resource allocation away from consumption and toward
investment in the longer run. A mere fall of the dollar is definitely no solution.
Yet we very much doubt that policymakers in Washington have the slightest intention
to implement or foster the necessary changes in demand and resource allocation
with policy measures.
What about the risks for the dollar and the markets? In short, they are frightening.
The most frightening risk is that the dollar's fall gets out of control. Superficially,
the dollar's steep fall in the 1980s and '90s may seem encouraging in this
respect.
However, there is something that makes all the difference between then and
now. When the dollar's decline started in 1985, dollar assets held by foreigners
were close to zero. This time, they are close to $9,000 billion, one-third
of which is held by central banks.
The dollar's further behavior will largely depend on the flow of news about
the U.S. economy. Bad economic news is bad for the dollar. For the reasons
explained earlier, we expect very bad news that will shatter the hollow optimism
about the economy and the stock market. While economic growth is sharply decelerating,
inflation is accelerating, a main reason for this being an accelerating rise
in import prices.
In such circumstances, the Fed will face a Catch-22. With CPI inflation above
3% at annual rate and a falling dollar, a new easing of monetary policy is
absolutely impossible. Rather, the market will expect the Fed to continue its
rate hikes. But doing so, it would prick the carry trade bubble in bonds with
disastrous effects, first on the bond market and then on the economy.
A steeper fall of the dollar, just by itself, might please U.S. policymakers.
Unfortunately, it is bound to have a variety of harmful effects - in particular
on psychology, inflation rates and interest rates. It may finally dawn on people
that due to the horrendous magnitude of the existing imbalances, the development
in the economy and the markets is out of control.
After many months of stability during 2004, the dollar has turned south all
of a sudden. Observing the U.S. economy's deteriorating performance since early
this year, its protracted stability surprised us. Now its sudden slide perfectly
concurs with our dismal expectations for the U.S. economy in 2005. Yet the
abrupt general bearishness of dollar forecasts strikes us as ominous in comparison
with the highly bullish consensus growth forecasts for the economy (those for
Europe are distinctly bearish).
Let us try to make sense of these contradictions. Over time, we have learned
the hard way that two different things govern the behavior of markets: first,
the objective facts; and second, the general perception of the facts. They
can differ like black and white.
Our opinion about the economic situation in the United States has been and
remains diametrically at variance with the optimistic consensus view that discarded
the economy's slowdown as a "soft patch" due to the rising oil price. In our
view, the economy is rapidly losing steam because prior aggressive monetary
and fiscal stimulation has largely spent itself, while having failed to initiate
the desired self-sustaining investment recovery. Moreover, we hold a strong
opinion that the existing outrageous imbalances and structural dislocations
in the economy make a normal, sustainable economic recovery flatly impossible.
Pondering the causes and implications of the dollar's sudden plunge, it ought
to be recalled that global currency experts were overwhelmingly forecasting
a strong dollar and a weak euro, commensurate with expected strong economic
growth in the United States and sluggish economic growth in Europe.
There rules a perception in the markets that the U.S. economy is fundamentally
strong and, in addition, vastly superior to that of Europe in resilience and
flexibility. All that is sheer nonsense. Due to years of unimaginable credit
excesses and resulting monumental imbalances, the U.S. economy is highly vulnerable
to a sudden downturn. It is, in fact, in worse shape than in 2000.
U.S. policymakers and economists are hailing the dollar's fall as a boom for
exports, employment and profits. They fail to realize that the consumer borrowing
and spending excesses of the past few years have grossly depleted the economy
of available resources for sharply higher exports. A plummeting dollar does
nothing at all to offset the profound structural shortfall of savings and capital
formation. Rather, it fuels inflation.
Remarkably, the dollar has plummeted despite highly optimistic expectations
about the economy's outlook as reflected in stellar growth forecasts. It is
our assumption that increasingly bad economic news will shake this overconfidence
and speed up the dollar's decline.
For reasons already explained, we expect that sharply weaker consumer spending
will soon distinctly slow the U.S. economy. Two events in particular are putting
the brakes on economic growth: first, the full stop of the income creation
through tax cuts; and second, the waning of the housing and mortgage refinancing
booms.
The risks are frightening.
Regards,
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