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This article originally was published by the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
"There can be nothing more unreal in its pretensions than debt currency
itself." - Charles Holt Carroll (1860)1
Charles Holt Carroll, a remarkable but now nearly forgotten American bullionist
writer, defended sound money in a blazing
series of essays (now online at the Mises
Institute) appearing in the latter decades of the 19th century. Notable
for his rejection of and fractional reserve banking in all his forms, his essays
serve as a decisive critique of paper money, credit expansion, and dishonest
banking.
Fractional reserve banking is a term describing as the capital structure of
a bank that has loaned funds that were placed there on deposit. This is problematic
because deposit and loan transactions are fundamentally different. A deposit
is a contract for the storage of currency in the bank to be held in safekeeping
and returned immediately on demand. The deposited funds must be available at
all times should the depositor wish. In contrast, a loan is a transfer of ownershipand
availability for a definite term. The creditor in a loan transaction has
the right to invest the funds, and pays the depositor a rate of interest. These
two types of contracts are mutually exclusive from a legal point of view.2
When funds placed on deposit are handled as if they were loans to the bank,
then the bank will attempt to earn a return on the deposits by loaning them
out or otherwise investing them, while at the same time maintaining the promise
of immediate availability to the depositor. In such a case, the new debtors
are issued on-demand claims for the principal value of their loan, indistinguishable
from the claims of the depositor whose money they have borrowed. The bank has
created multiple immediate-demand claims for the same gold coins. These new
notes (at least for a time) circulate at parity with their face value in gold,
and therefore function as currency.
Carroll advanced several brilliant arguments against the system of "fictitious
money": that it is based on a confusion in thinking; that it creates a state
of permanent indebtedness; that leads to national impoverishment rather than
prosperity; that it results in price inflation; and that it inevitably leads
to bank runs and then to systemic banking crises; and that it unjustly redistributes
wealth from the honest and industrious to bankers and their accomplices. We
will examine what he had to say on each of these.
Carroll set out to show that organization
of debt into currency rests on a confusion between two very different
things: money and debt. Money is gold and silver, while a debt is the postponement
of payment. Circulating debt as if it were money confuses money with
a promise that will be settled with money some time in the future. From Financial
Economy:
A promise is a debt, it is nothing else; and the attempt to make debt
serve the purpose of money always has been and always will be a failure.
Money and debt are as opposite in nature as fire and water; money extinguishes
debt as water extinguishes fire.3
Carroll drew attention to the double counting problem created by fractional
reserves. When a bank creates debt currency, the actual money itself serves
as money, while the debt created by loaning the money also circulates as money:
...there cannot be two values in the same item of capital; one in the
commodity and another in the obligation to deliver it; one in money, and
another in the promise to pay it. The paper promise, being merely a memorandum
of an unfulfilled contract, and not the thing promised, must be an addition
to the currency when issued and therefore a false measure unless the money
promised is reserved against it.4
A loan transaction can be recorded with a paper note of some kind. In this
respect a loan has a superficial similarity to a bank deposit. A paper record
of the transaction is issued in each case. However, Carroll took pains to distinguish
between the legitimate form of debt -- debt that remains debt throughout its
lifetime -- and debt that masquerades as money.5
Some writers have placed promissory notes and bills of exchange in the
category of currency, but it is altogether a mistake; their affinity is
with circulating property, not with money. They may be exchanged for property,
and so might the property upon which they are drawn; and if offered for
sale for money they are still more like property; they are exchanged against
money, and are more likely to have the effect of increasing the exchange
value of money than of reducing it, as they would if they were of the nature
of currency. They are, however, neither money, nor currency, nor property,
but more records of an unfinished bargain; the purchase money is not paid,
and these are memoranda or written evidences of what the debtor is to do
to complete the contract. One species of property exchanges for another;
this is barter, the fundamental principle of trade; and when promissory
notes and bills of exchange are exchanged for money, they take the position
of property as essentially different from money as the goods that were
delivered for them, or for the fund upon which they are drawn.6
Carroll repeatedly warned that a state of permanent indebtedness results from
the system of fictitious currency. To offer debt as payment for debt is not
to settle it, but instead to roll the obligation into the future by replacing
the original debt with a new debt. For a debt to be paid off with debt is in
truth no settlement at all, only a perpetuation of indebtedness: "the seller
is not paid for his goods in a note or a check; the exchange is not completed
until his capital is restored to him in money or its equivalent as value for
value."7
Another fallacy exposed by Carroll's analysis is the proposition that "discounting" of
debt securities with newly issued money is somehow different than other forms
of fractional reserve banking. A bank "discounts" a loan when the note recording
the loan is purchased from a merchant, at a discount to the note's principal
value. The magnitude of the discount reflects the remaining term of the loan
and the discount rate - i.e. the prevailing rate of interest compounded
over the remaining term of the loan. The bank would then hold the notes until
maturity, and then demand settlement, or perhaps roll them over.
Carroll was particularly harsh in addressing the promoters of the Real
Bills Doctrine, a scheme in which banks discount bills and then issue
demand deposits against them. Banks, according to the doctrine, would count
their portfolios of discounted bills or notes as additions to their monetary
reserves, against which demand liabilities are balanced. According to the
adherents of this system, a bank's notes are "backed" by a sufficient quantity
of total reserves, where the total reserves consists of the gold on deposit
and market value of the discounted bills combined. While the gold reserves
alone would be insufficient, so the bills and notes make up the difference,
and are seen by advocates of this system as satisfactory substitutes for
gold.
Carroll took a dim view of the school, noting, ""I think no greater folly
than this ever claimed the sanction of science in any department of human inquiry."8 While
the Real Bills theorists believed that they have discovered a benign and non-inflationary
form of fractional reserve banking, Carroll showed that their contrivance is
no different than any other form of fractional reserve banking.
All fractional reserve systems generate price inflation, Carroll emphasized,
the RBD being no exception. Common to all such systems is the balancing of
outstanding loans as assets against demand liabilities on the bank's books;
it makes no difference that the bank purchases an existing debt (as under the
RBD) or originating a new debt as a loan. The discounting of debt creates new
currency and this currency operates on prices in the same way as any other
currency:
Again, you sell a quantity of coffee for a merchant's note which you
get discounted, and the net sum of the discount is added to the deposit
to your credit. You check upon this sum as you did upon the coin and notes.
All these items are mixed into one deposit, one power, and one effect.
You make an average use of this deposit, as you make an average use of
the goods in your warehouse, in the operations of exchange; and, in the
long run, there will be a proportional amount and purchasing power of currency
and of goods at rest in this way throughout the community. Yet all are
in circulation, because all are being offered in exchange.9
Note that there is no problem with a bank purchasing bills of exchange under
a sound banking system, using funds that were loaned to the bank.10 It
is entirely due to the creation of money from the discounted bills that makes
the RBD problematic. In Congress
and the Currency, Carroll explains that the monetization of debt involves
financial sleight of hand: the money used to purchase the bill is created out
of nothing and the bill is used to secure the new money:
Whenever a bank [issues as a loan] a bill or security that forms the
fund out of which it is itself discounted, the transaction is not banking
but currency-making; and it is a cheat, for there is no such value in existence
as such currency pretends to be or to represent. It is simply a fictitious
credit, and it makes not a particle of difference in principle or effect
whether the credit thus created is circulated in checks, or notes, or in
money itself.11
Finding common ground with Hume and modern Austrians, Carroll realized that
the total quantity of money does not matter to economic production. Human well-being
is only enhanced by the production of more goods. Contrary to the inflationist
fallacy, an increase in its quantity brings no improvement in prosperity.
It is the quantity and quality of cultivated land, dwellings, warehouses,
ships, steamers, factories, schools, utilities of all kinds, and everything
that contributes to human enjoyment, which constitute wealth; this wealth
is the same in value at any price; it is not, therefore, of the least importance
what volume of currency we possess, so that the coins are not too diminutive
or too large for convenient use, excepting the less currency the better
for the convenience of handling, and because where there is the least currency
relatively, money will buy the most, and where money will buy the most,
business will go.12
Inflationists have used the argument that a system of banking with a strict
prohibition on the loan of deposited funds would not supply sufficient credit
for business firms. Firms would not be able to undertake as many new investments,
and economic growth would be retarded, goes this line of thought. On the contrary,
noted Carroll, the manufacture of more indebtedness without more savings does
not in any way increase the real means of funding for productive business ventures:
Certainly the best provision for acquiring property, and for paying debts,
is constant and active employment. Work must produce capital; nothing else
can: the enterprise of the merchant in distributing it, in opening new
markets, discovering new wants, stimulating labor, and directing it into
profitable channels, is of a character to deserve success, and would secure
it, were his operations sustained by an uncontractible and sound currency.13
The wealth of an individual depends on his purchasing power. And his purchasing
power of an individual depends only on the ratio between the prices
of what he has to sell and what he would like to buy. It is relative, not absolute
prices that matter. Imagine, for example, that your wages (or the prices of
the goods that you sell) were double what they are today, and at the same time
the prices of all goods that you buy were also twice their current values.
Then you would be no better off, nor any worse off, in purchasing power terms.
A remarkably sophisticated monetary thinker for his time, Carroll saw clearly
that relative prices can be formed just as well with any quantity of money. Bankruptcy
in the Currency elaborates,
It is wholly immaterial what may be the volume of the currency if it
be left to the operation of natural law of value, for one-half the currency
at present employed in this country would serve to transact the same business
-- would exchange equally well the same quantity of property, and at the
same value, only at one-half the price, as the whole sum exchanges now.
Many modern economists oppose gold as a monetary system because they believe
that a stable or constant purchasing power of money will enhance economic growth.
In our deflation-phobic age,
gold is rejected because the purchasing power of a unit of gold would most
probably tend to increase over time. (Historically, the supply of gold due
to mining has usually grown more slowly than the increase in the production
of goods and services.) Carroll was not without an opinion on this matter.
Money is a good, and as such its value fluctuates in due to the supply of it
and the demand for it; yet this does not prevent it from serving its role of
facilitating trade as a medium of exchange:
...there cannot be inflexible value in anything, since value is necessarily
relative, and all things are continually changing in cost and supply and
demand, in relation to each other. Money forms no exception to this rule.
The only true idea of money is the simplest, viz., that it is a commodity,
as I have said already, varying in value not only by reason of change in
its own supply, but in the supply of everything which constitutes the demand
for it; that is to say, everything and every service offering to be exchanged.14
Deflation-phobic modern economists believe that prices can go up but not down;
prices are believed to be "sticky downwards". Therefore economic growth must
be accommodated by an increase in the quantity of money, otherwise markets
would cease to clear as prices remained stuck. Partisans of this view could
take some advice from Mr. Carroll: prices must be allowed to constantly adapt
to changing conditions of supply and demand for goods and for money:
We cannot be too emphatic in denouncing the idea that an increasing trade
necessarily requires an increase of money, as an error and a delusion.
It might be otherwise if value and price were the same, but as the value
of property may be the same at a very different price at different periods,
it is of very much less consequence to alter the quantity of the currency
to suit the altered conditions of trade, than to restrict trade to the
proper values of a stable currency. Indeed, to accommodate the currency
to the continual fluctuations of trade, so as to regulate prices would
be utterly impossible; while if the currency be let "severely alone," trade
will accommodate itself to the currency with perfect equity.15
A constant problem with the "fictitious money" system is price inflation.
Debt, organized into currency influences prices in the same way as would money
proper. Rising prices are the result.
It is not the payment, the mere manipulation of the paper, that operates
upon the value of money and the price of things, but the whole sum of the
demand debt, since the whole acts as a purchasing power precisely as the
whole of any commodity in market acts upon the value of that commodity,
although nine-tenths or any other portion of it may be at rest in warehouses
and seeking demand all the while. Everyone operates in money or goods with
reference to his means at hand.16
Like Cantillon and Mises, Carroll saw that an increase in the supply of money
occurs at a specific point in the financial system, and that the effect on
prices moves over time as the money is spent by the original recipients, and
then spent again by secondary recipients:
As nearly all commercial transactions are made through debt and credit,
the fictitious addition to the currency must have time to percolate through
the exchanges before the effect is felt. As a purgative requires time to
change the gastric juices and become digested, this unwholesome dose of
fiction is at length ejecting money from [one place] rapidly.17
Carroll provided an extraordinary analysis of the catastrophic macro-economic
effects of the debt-based monetary system. The entire fractional reserve system
is, as Carroll astutely recognized, inherently unstable, "a mad system of kiting
between the banks and their customers -- and an enormous superstructure of
debt is built thereon, keeping almost every [merchant] in danger of bankruptcy."18 In
his essays, he traced the connection from fractional reserve banking to bank
failures, and then to a systematic crisis as the contagion spreads from bank
to bank, bankrupting depositors and disrupting the general business climate.
When a fractional reserve bank creates credit obligations against its demand
deposits, it is taking on the risk that more notes will be presented for redemption
in gold than the quantity of gold that it has on hand. The whole corrupt scheme
rests on the willingness of the public to accept paper rather than present
it for redemption; and it falls apart once a sufficient number of people do
so. From Financial
Heresies,
When the creditors demand their money, its debtors are called upon to
pay money the bank never loaned, never had to loan, and necessarily has
not on hand to meet is running demand liabilities: then comes the crisis
that many writers call a "panic." It is such a panic as the wasted sufferer
feels whose longs are losing their power of inflation; it is no panic;
it is the inevitable crisis of death.19
The system eventually results in general bankruptcy. At first, a single bank
is overwhelmed with redemption demands, for which they it not have sufficient
gold reserves. But the problem does not end there. Once one bank fails, confidence
in the banking system will erode. Many depositors will rush to redeem the excess
bank notes for an limited quantity of gold. From an 1858 dispatch,
The term "deposit," as applied to the amount at the credit of a borrower,
is in truth a misnomer, for the borrower deposits nothing -- there is no
money in the transaction; it is simply an exchange of debt. Yet it is effectually
currency to be used as equivalent to coin at any moment. In event of a
bank contraction, it is apt to become a most embarrassing claim upon both
bank and borrower, for real dollars that are nowhere -- that never existed.20
While a single lender is bankrupted by a bank run, a defaulting domino chain
of bankruptcy ensues as the contagion infects one fractional reserve bank after
another. There are two channels for transmission of the contagion: one is through
inter-bank clearing, the other is through debt-defaulting deflation.
Inter-bank clearing is the settlement of debts between banks. To the extent
that banks accept the checks or paper of other banks on par with their face
value, they become creditors and debtors to other participants in a system-wide
credit expansion that -- once a critical number of them fail -- enmeshes all
others.
Contraction may begin it, but the positive and negative poles of the
scheme will very soon change places. When bank accommodation fails, bankruptcy
comes into play, soon takes the lead, and one tumbler here and there knocks
down a whole line, until the securities, against which the deposits stand,
fall, and the deposits with them. Banks being pressed with their notes
must redeem them, and avail themselves of their securities in the hands
of the Comptroller to purchase greenbacks or specie.21
The debt-deflation mechanism exists under fractional reserve banking because,
when currency is created out of debt, a default wipes money out of existence.
When there is less money, there is downward pressure on all prices in the economy.
It becomes it more difficult for still-solvent debtors to service their outstanding
debts. Increasingly, more of them default, wiping out more money.
Debt-deflation and the inter-bank clearing mechanism reinforce each other,
accelerating the contagion once it starts. As the process feeds on itself,
undermining confidence in banks, additional bank runs and defaults, inevitably
form a systemic crisis. The crisis harms all participants - bankers to be sure,
but merchants and working people as well.
But when any such scheme shall be put in operation, its two forces or
elements, so to speak, will immediately change places. It will not long
be the contraction of the currency that will cause the bankruptcy, but
the bankruptcy that will contract the currency.22
Carroll called attention to the moral dimension of fractional reserve banking
calling it "a blind scheme by which the first principles of justice and common
sense in the employment of capital are reversed."23 During
the crisis, property is redistributed in an unjust and arbitrary manner, with
bankers generally coming out ahead of their depositors, whose funds they have
expropriated:
Moreover, a general code of easy morality prevails among debtors in distress
as to helping themselves to the property of creditors; cunning and high-handed
villainy scramble in the confusion of a financial crisis; opportunity and
privilege, such as may be enjoyed by a bank director or bank favorite,
enable some men to avail themselves of more than their equal or just share
of currency and capital; all these and other influences render an equitable
settlement of debts and credits in every crisis of a factitious currency
system utterly impossible.24
To put an end to recurring financial crises, and to restore the nation to
sound and honest principles of trade, Carroll advocated a bullion standard,
with the dollar defined as a fixed weight of gold. "The true policy for every
nation is to keep the currency sound and strong. As gold and silver form the
acknowledged money the world, we can do no better than to use them in their
standard purity, and permit nothing to be acknowledged as a dollar that is
not a dollar."25
Banks, according to Carroll, should be in the legitimate business of financial
intermediation: making loans of funds that were loaned to them, and earning
a spread on the interest rates, "pursuing the true and honest plan of lending
money only when they have money to lend"26,
and profiting by the quality of their judgment in their choice of debtors.
Banking organized along these lines would still enable banks to earn profits:
...the banker would take his proper position as the middleman between
the lender and the borrower -- between the capitalist and the man of enterprise,
who would borrow capital of the banker in money and pay the interest properly
out of his profit.27
Carroll's essays were intended as a counter-attack in the battle of public
opinion against the bankers and their allies, who had bamboozled the public
to the point that most people - even educated -- thought of fractional reserve
banking as a normal state of affairs. "It is marvelous," he wrote, "what a
perfect hallucination upon this subject possesses the minds of men otherwise
thoroughly intelligent."28 In Currency
of the United States, Carroll railed, "So completely has the idea of
money in the debt currency taken possession of the public mind, that it is
difficult for people to comprehend how the above incubus of debt is created,
or why there is any more of it than would exist with a money currency."
By publishing his polemics, Carroll sought to raise public awareness of the
perversity of this system of finance. In Carroll's time the "money question" was
much debated, and all educated people had an opinion.29 While
the incubus has grown vastly, both in size and credibility during century and
a half since Carroll's works, the state of public discourse on this issue has
declined to an even greater extent. Today, fractional reserve bank administrators,
such as Alan Greenspan, are revered as oracles and sages. Yet there is hope
that a restoration of this under-appreciated thinker will bring this critical
matter back to the center stage of public debate.
1 The quote is from Financial
Heresies, an 1860 article for Hunt's Merchants Magazine and
Commercial Review. A long out-of-print collection of his articles for
Hunt's and other publications titled The
Organization of Debt Into Currency and other Papers, has been restored
and published
on-line by the Mises Institute.
2 See Jesús Huerta de Soto, Money,
Bank Credit, and Economic Cycles, chapters 1-2.
3 Of
the Discount Deposit
4 Financial
Economy
5 "The advocates of a specie currency
object only to the falsehood of inaugurating into money what is in fact debt,
that must be collected from the banks before it can become money." (The
Gold of California and Paper Money)
6 Currency
of the United States
7 Of
the Discount Deposit
8 Of
the Discount Deposit); and, "There was never a greater mistake in any science,
and never one so fatal to the stability of property and the well-being of society." (Financial
Economy).
9 The
Currency Question in the Commercial Convention in Boston
10 "Under an exclusively metallic
system such bills would exist and be discounted by banks for money actually
in their possession. The bills, if sold, would act then, as they act now, as
other capital before the discount, and as money or currency in their proceeds
afterwards. In their nature they are instruments of legitimate credit having
no tendency to inflation whatever." (The
Currency Question in the Commercial Convention in Boston)
11 Congress
and the Currency
12 Currency
of the United States
13 Change
of the Banking Principle
14 The
Currency Theories of the Day
15 The
Gold of California and Paper Money
16 Change
of the Banking Principle
17 Financial
Heresies
18 Specie
Prices and Results
19 Financial
Heresies
20 Organization
of Debt into Currency
21 Bankruptcy
and Insolvency
22 Bankruptcy
and Insolvency
23 The
Currency Question in the Commercial Convention in Boston
24 Bankruptcy
and Insolvency
25 The
Gold of California and Paper Money
26 Change
of the Banking Principle
27 Of
the Discount Deposit
28 Specie
Prices and Results
29 See Lew Rockwell, Speaking
of Liberty, Chapter 4.
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