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The myth of the dual economy is back in town, only now it's called the "two
speed" economy. Some years ago economic commentators were telling us that Australia
had a dual economy with consumption rising but manufacturing lagging. We got
a similar approach from Steve Slifer, chief economist at Lehman Brothers, who
said of the US economy in January 2001:
It's really an odd-looking slowdown. The manufacturing sector is, in fact,
in a recession but not the overall economy. At least not yet.
Now we have Ken Henry, Secretary to the federal Treasury, telling us that
we have another "two speed" economy - only this time it is not consumption
that is fuelling the economy while manufacturing contracts: it is China's demand
for resources.
The thesis is very simple. China's demand for Australian resources raises
this sector's demand for capital and labour. Moreover, this shifts the terms
of trade in Australia's favour but lowers the prices of imports which cause
some parts of manufacturing to either reduce output or shift operations offshore.
Therefore the resource boom is having the result of squeezing manufacturing
by outbidding it for capital and labour. This means that those states were
manufacturing is dominant will lose out to resource-rich states like Western
Australia and Queensland.
It is indisputable that statistics appear to support Henry's argument. For
instance, the Australian Industry Group has been wailing that by the end of
the year something like 25 per cent of Australian manufacturing production
will be offshore compared with 15 per cent last year.
In addition, the group claims that Chinese imports helped destroy about 30,000
manufacturing jobs last year. They now expect about 40,000 job losses this
year, with one third of them in Victoria. These job losses have been going
on for quite a while. Last October Tony Pensabene of the AIG admitted to being
dumbfounded by what was happening in the economy. In his view
... something different is going on in manufacturing. In the 12 months to
August, the overall economy added 352,000 jobs. In the same period, manufacturing
lost 46,800 jobs.
The use of these statistics to confirm the Treasury's thesis reminds me of
those economists who claimed that statistics confirmed the Phillips curve conclusion
that there is an inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment. Therefore
whenever unemployment rose the government could offset this by increasing the
rate of inflation and so reduce the level of unemployment. The economics profession
now rejects this proposition. I fear Mr Henry's thesis is heading in the same
direction.
But let us look at the situation from another angle. For sometime I have been
arguing that the Reserve Bank's loose monetary policy is a recipe for recession.
I have also stressed that the first signs of an impending recession will emerge
in manufacturing in the form of job losses and reduced output. This is what
is happening now. Moreover, it parallels what happened to the Clinton economy.
Anyone with sufficient knowledge of economic history and the history of economic
thought will immediately recognise the symptoms of the classic boom-bust situation.
The central bank forces the interest rate down below its market rate which
then triggers a boom. Eventually the central bank is force to apply the monetary
breaks to bring the boom to a halt.
As I have already said, it is in manufacturing where the symptoms of an emerging
recession first appear. We now have two theories using the same statistics
to arrive at different conclusions. So which one is right? Is it the one that
explains the situation in terms of China's demand for resources or is it the
one that explains the situation as a classic boom-bust one?
That capital and labour will flow into industries that are making profits
is part of standard economic theory that explains how returns are equalised
throughout the economy. (Just as an aside, this is the "equalisation problem" that
confounded Marx and Engels and their disciples). Let's see if we can do this
by the numbers. The alternative theory - which not new, by the way - states
that a credit expansion starts the boom.
RBA figures show money supply has been criminally loose for most of the last
10 years. Since March 1996 to March 2006 M1 (currency plus bank deposits) grew
by 119 per cent, currency by 97 per cent and bank deposits by 129 per cent.
We can easily see that bank deposits are by far the largest component. Something
like this is what the alternative theory would expect.
From February 2005 to February 2006 we find that currency rose by 6 per cent,
M1 by 11 per cent and bank deposits by about 12 per cent. These figures clearly
show that the expansion has been through credit. Moreover, the same period
saw the RBA's assets leap by 44 per cent. The RBA acquires assets by issuing
cheques and by doing so it expands the money supply.
On closer inspection we see that M1 and bank deposits began rising in October
2005 until December, after which they were comparatively flat. However, February
until March witnessed an acceleration in both figures. From February to April
the RBA's assets jumped by 9 per cent.
These figures suggest we should be watching what the bank is doing. Keeping
an eye monetary figures is extremely important, irrespective of the received
wisdom among the economic commentariat. Some of these commentators recently
pointed out that in 2001 the RBA cut rates from 6.25 per cent to 4.25 per cent,
a full two per centage point which prevented unemployment from rising. What
is still overlooked is the monetary fact that the RBA let loose with the money
supply, allowing M1 to rocket by 22 per cent and bank deposits to explode by
25 per cent.
All of this fits the alternative theory which has it that manufacturing -
the higher stages of production - are sensitive to changes in the money supply.
(It's actually a little more complex than this). I could be wrong but I do
not think that the recent monetary expansion will be sufficient to delay a
recession.
Rather than damage manufacturing the significant improvement in the terms
of trade actually helped it by lowering the costs of imported capital goods.
This view seems to be borne out by Treasury figures showing that about 66 per
cent of imports are capital goods (including intermediate goods). It's these
imports that for a time lessened the pressure on manufacturing costs.
The alternative theory also predicts that eventually manufacturing will face
a profits squeeze as the rising costs of inputs wipeout profits. Moreover,
the monetary expansion creates malinvestments which now appear as idle capacity
and rising unemployment.
The PricewaterhouseCoopers' report for April makes grim reading. It tells
us that manufacturing unemployment actually accelerated in April. It also pointed
out that the employment index for April 6 stood at 45.6 as against 51.0 in
April 6 2006 and production had fallen from 50.0 to 49.3 while input prices
had risen from 68.6 to 73.6. If it were not for the resources boom the economy
would officially be in recession regardless of the demand for consumer goods.
It's extremely important to stress that the alternative theory on the effects
of credit expansion on the economy leads to the conclusion that the higher
stages of production (the manufacturing chain) will not only suffer the most
damage but a cluster of failures, a fact that was observed in the early nineteenth
century, will emerge. My point is that Mr Henry's terms-of-trade argument cannot
account for this phenomenon.
The conclusion is that the above figures support the alternative theory that
the problem does not lie with China's massive demand for resources - which
is largely driven by China's loose monetary policy - but in our monetary policy.
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