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Originally published November 16, 2001
It has been said, and if not, let it be said here today that the sound
money principle as defined by Mises1 is a sovereign protector
of the system of private property - itself charged with the protection of
civil liberties essential to the individual's freedom, as well as of market
processes responsible to his prosperity. And to the extent that a society
with its liberties intact is a just society and a just society a moral one,
liberty is sovereign to a strong moral code.
Isn't that our connection between money and morality? Doesn't sound money
help us to achieve liberty, and liberty in turn help us become a just and
moral society?
If so, to the extent that the fiat monetary regime undermines the capability
of free market mechanisms and overrides their role in the allocation of scarce
resources, the system of private property is clearly compromised, since it
is based on the idea that market prices determine what should be produced
for the economy. To the extent that it is not a market economy, meaning an
economy governed by (an efficient) price mechanism, it is a planned economic
system.
Accordingly the usual mismanagement of a planned economic system, dubbed
moral hazard, will result in massive unemployment once the ephemeral impetus
to its goal toward full employment ceases to provide effective stimulus.
Then the true costs of such a system will either reveal themselves or be
deferred by the administrators of the system, who will mastermind a new set
of variables that will respond to their stimulus, and which will fully employ
the nation's economic resources.
Sooner or later, such an economic system breaks down. Not because the guys
at the Treasury or Fed run out of ideas, but because their ideas no longer
work. Why, how could they keep working? If they could then the system of
private property is indeed obsolete. For it is the market mechanism that
has until today been thought to best decide how to allocate the nation's
scarce resources. Today, it isn't the market that provides us with cheap
energy, cheap credit, and cheap foreign goods. It is economic "policy" that
does, which is a direct rejection of the sound money principle, the consequences
of which history has decided the same way it is deciding today. - Ed Bugos
The Money is No Good
A rejoinder to The Deflation Monster, by Jude Wanniski (October 6, 2001),
and all deflationists, as well as an update on the inflation vs. deflation
debate.
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| CRB Index 1995-2001 |
Gold prices 1995-2001 |
In describing the sound money principle Ludwig von Mises says that there is
just one basic condition that needs to be met, and to make it easy for critics
of the principle to grasp he quoted it in both the affirmative and negative:
"Thus the sound money principle has two aspects. It is affirmative in
approving the market's choice of a commonly used medium of exchange. It
is negative in obscuring the government's propensity to meddle with the
currency system." - Mises, on the principle of sound money, pp454, the Theory
of Money and Credit
In modern society you cannot have the first without ensuring the second. It
sure would be nice to define everything in positive terms, but we can't do
that with rules. I wonder if the sign: "Please walk on cement" would be as
effective as the sign on someone's lawn that says, "Please keep off," especially
if you're dealing with insects with an appetite for grass.
At any rate, Professor Jude Wanniski without question violates the tenet of
the sound money principle by denying the market its choice for a commonly used
medium of exchange (which is the case when you fix exchange rates), and also
by sponsoring the government's propensity to meddle with the currency system.
So today we are going to show you why we believe that a true deflation outcome
is not possible unless either Professor Jude Wanniski realizes his and
Robert Mundell's dream, or until "after" the inflationist agenda our economic
system operates on has broken down. Yes we have had inflation, but it has not
yet manifested in our money because it (the inflation) hasn't yet broken down.
By the time you're finished this article, I'm certain you'll understand what
we mean by that statement.
Deflation Bogeyman
Undoubtedly many symptoms of deflation are with us today. Symptoms are how
the neighborhood Doctor guesses at what his patients have come down with.
Doctors, as well as mechanics or your technical support staff, and would
you believe even economists unfortunately do not have a convenient gadget
that reliably reveals what the problem is. It usually comes down to
a process of elimination. That is brutally primitive indeed, but true.
What's more, there is no other way until we have developed very advanced artificial
intelligence, which mere existence would scare the pants off most people, yet
which would probably work the same way, just faster.
But what if a particular symptom is shared by more than one kind of illness?
Or, in this case, what if some of today's deflationary symptoms are shared
by causes other than deflation? How does the analyst (or Doctor) make his diagnosis
then? Well, for starters, once facts have been collected, he or she could try
to explain away some of the less likely sources or causes. This isn't easy
to do because it means the analyst must be objective.
What other explanation, for instance, could there be for a decline in the
dollar price of certain goods, "besides" deflation? Could there be more than
one?
Sure there could. If something other than deflation came along and swept the
value of the dollar up against every other currency in the world, what might
happen to the price of commodities denominated in dollars? Couldn't the foreign
exchange value of a currency import deflationary pressures, as easily as it
could inflationary ones? The short, short answer is yes. Thus, the analyst
is faced with trying to determine today whether deflation is the cause of the
dollar's ascent, or whether other forces better explain the dollar's ascent,
which in turn imports deflationary like forces. This is so important
because one is natural, for lack of a smarter term, and the other must be,
well, reversible.
Nevertheless, the steadfast deflationist (already failing in objectivity owing
to title) would say that the dollar is up against other fiat currencies as
well as against commodity prices due to deflation. To which we might reply
that the level of trickery alone (symptoms of a managed dollar), explicit by
dollar policy today, indicate that a managed dollar is behind the ascent in
the subjective, and perhaps objective3, exchange value of the dollar.
But then, we would be dubbed conspiracy theorists.
Certainly, deflation is a force that tends to manifest in a rising objective
exchange value of money (declining prices for commodities exchanged for it)
just like inflation is a source of an ultimate decline in the objective exchange
value of money. Further, both inflation and deflation are likely to manifest
in foreign exchange contracts, but on a relative basis. Thus, it is tempting
to conclude that if these symptoms of deflation show up in both the objective
and subjective exchange value of money that deflation must be the cause.
In October, Jude Wanniski4 took it upon himself to claim victory
in an at least a decade long struggle to prove once and for all that deflation
was among us, has been ever since he warned us so in 1995, and in fact has
been the force that the Fed has been fighting all along. Thus, we consider
Mr. Wanniski to be a good representation of the deflation argument.
He argues that this deflation has been spreading through Asia, Russia, Brazil,
the US, and now Argentina and Zimbabwe. He claims that Japan is on its 12th
year of deflation, referencing the doubling of the yen against the dollar since
then. And his most valuable indicator is the relentless bear market that gold
prices have been in since.
He is saying that the declining dollar price of gold indicates that what is
behind these economic collapses is deflation. Pretty convincing but I like
our argument better.
Currencies Collapse From Inflation not Deflation
Currencies from Russia to Asia to South America are not collapsing due to deflation,
but rather to the weight of their own relentless inflation policies, which
examples they have imported from the Federal Reserve. If this were true then
those particular currencies would decline against both gold and the dollar,
which they did. But why was it the dollar that was preferred to gold over
this period? Before we try to answer that, note that in some cases such as
Argentina and certain Asian countries that are indeed dollarized and indebted
in terms of the dollar this does not apply.
The consequence of poorer monetary policy abroad has been a boon for the value
of the dollar this past decade, and boy did Wall Street learn how to recycle
all of that fresh dollar demand. The more dollars that were demanded, the more
were created, as deposits held inside of the United States were pyramided into
the largest credit bubble ever seen. Here is a visual:
All of these dollars are backed by the credit in the chart on the right. They
are in demand because they offer an investment premium during the typical cyclical
upturn in the US credit cycle, not for the value of their convertibility. It
is the kind of demand that spurs inflation not deflation, and it is the kind
of demand that drove this credit bubble. Let's expand on the topic.
Unbeknownst to Jude Wanniski's Wall Street clients then, are that there are
other reasons, which perhaps better explain the dollar's strength than deflation.
The Inflated Investment Premium
Recall in last week's GIC how we showed that the dollar is in a primary down
trend against the yen, and has been topping against the euro since September
2000. The dollar's strength has predominantly been against the secondary
currencies, over the last few legs of the recent bullish sequence in the
dollar index, where inflation rates are generally higher.
That said recent rate cuts from the ECB portend rising rates of inflation
in Europe, and perhaps a renewed bull leg for the dollar over the euro. That
situation needs to be monitored closely. By the way, has credit money ever
been legal tender before? I would love anyone's views on that (mailto:gold@goldenbar.com).
Moreover, we showed that in the long run there is an inverse relationship
between the relative growth rate of an economy's money supply and the Forex
value of its currency, meaning that the higher one is, the lower the other
one should be. Thus the country with the lower relative inflation (in money
supply) over an extended period of time should be the one with a stronger currency,
which should transmit net deflationary pressures, or deflation like symptoms,
all else being equal.
Note the tendence for US Money Supply to grow faster over the long term;
Compare that trend to the FX value of the Yen over the long term
We also showed last week how exchange rates are determined in the medium term
by capital flowing across the border seeking an optimum ROI (return on investment).
This is the cyclical component to currency movements we discussed in relation
to an investment premium.
And in the short run, we should all know that between dollar policy and US
economic policy, not only certain FX behaviors are managed, but also that certain
commodity prices are managed. We know that the Department of Energy sells oil
when prices are high and buys it when prices are low, for instance, but some
of us suspect too that they attempt to influence these prices to achieve broader
aims.
The point is that the dollar did not begin its cyclical rise in 1995
as the consequence of any deflation, but because foreign exchange participants
attached an increasing investment premium to the dollar.
I bet that's "a new one on JW" as well (private joke).
For instance, I believe it was George Soros that observed that one little
thing, which may have started the whole ride, and which he does so well. In
1994, the "volatility" (collapse) in the long bond was perceived to be the
result of an SEC regulation requiring U.S. banks to mark-to-market their bond
portfolio each quarter. So they rigged it so that their income statements would
no longer show losses when bond prices declined, unless the bank sold its bonds.
This way, bank stocks quickly became a hot item in foreign accounts. Consider
this to be another policy trick.
Ad-hoc policy maneuvering like this of course explains why the enormous inflation
of the period was drawn to financial assets, or perhaps why the financial markets
prompted so much inflation, rather than the commodities. Fed policy adapted
to the new game quickly, and it learned how to create demand for dollars. Alan
Greenspan became a market mover.
On the other hand, it is also entirely possible that chance alone "could" have
brought about the unique confluence of events that sent the dollar and financial
markets into a feedback loop where a rising expected return on investment in
US assets both inflated, and was inflated by, the growth in money supply, while
gold prices just sunk and stunk.
I guess we can argue this point until we are red in the face that the dollar
benefited from a rising investment premium during that time, and I presume
that few would disagree. Yet, despite the four consecutive back-to-back double-digit
gains in the S&P 500 index during this period the Jude Wanniski's of the
world say deflation is indeed what has forced certain foreign currencies down
against the dollar, that there must be no other significant explanation for
the fact. Poppycock.
What is Inflation & Deflation?
So the specter of deflation is inexorable, and ever present in the prognosis
of current economic developments here and abroad. It follows, however, that
if most people do not understand inflation despite its undeniable permeation
in nearly all aspects of our lives, then the rare deflationary episodes in
our plight this century cannot help us to understand the mysterious deflation
monster any better.
The casual observer of economics understands inflation to be a rise in the
consumer price index, and deflation to be its anti-thesis. In fact, the whole
topic of deflation is seen to be the anti-thesis of inflation, as though deflation
naturally follows inflation.
It can if the quality of the monetary unit isn't sacrificed.
As long as economic growth is stimulated through the equivalent of
monetary debasement, it is not likely that the economy will ever have
real deflation UNLESS either a new monetary choice is preferred, or something
else comes along to change the nature of that money, including either
devaluation if it is legal, or international agreement.
While accusing the Fed and US Treasury of pursuing the policies of deflation,
Jude Wanniski claims that both inflation and deflation represent a decline
in the monetary standard. At first, his definition of deflation was fairly
correct. He said that deflation was a significant undersupply of money relative
to demand (for money). But then he started to mix up deflation with its symptoms,
and seemed to conclude that deflation represents a decline in the monetary
standard. This is at best a variation of correct.
To be sure it wasn't clear from his writing if this is what he meant but quoting
Robert Mundell who says that "Inflation is a decline in the monetary standard," he
alleges that deflation is also a decline in the monetary standard, due to the
influence it has on defaults and bankruptcies in the US and anywhere else.
Thus, he argues, we ought to rid ourselves of the evils of both inflation and
deflation, through policy, which will presumably work once we understand them
in this way.
Despite the fact that he endorses our argument about the quality of money,
he does not seem to be able to grasp the proper reason for its
deteriorating quality, nor does he seem to grasp that money has a broader function
than its role as a medium of exchange. In addition, he assumes that money supply
is neutral, is independent of demand, and yet should grow in proportion to
economic output. It is our intent to discuss the falsity of those assumptions
momentarily.
But first in writing The Theory of Money and Credit, Ludwig von Mises made
a special point of avoiding a discussion of either inflation or deflation on
the grounds that there is a serious difference of opinion on its precise meaning,
and that therefore it would be unscientific to use such words "where a sharp
scientific precision of the words is desirable," in everyday discussions of
economic and currency policy.
Since his point was made (that he could write an entire book on money and
interest without referring to the words inflation or deflation), he offered
up his own definition anyway. According to Mises (pp 272; The Theory of Money
and Credit):
"In theoretical investigation there is only one meaning that can rationally
be attached to the expression inflation: an increase in the quantity of
money (in the broader sense of the term, so as to include fiduciary media
as well), that is not offset by a corresponding increase in the need for
money (again in the broader sense of the term), so that a fall in the objective
exchange value of money must occur. Again, deflation (or restriction, or
contraction) signifies a diminution of the quantity of money (in the broader
sense), so that an increase in the objective exchange value of money must
occur. If we so define these concepts, it follows that either inflation
or deflation is constantly going on, for a situation in which the objective
exchange value of money did not alter could hardly ever exist for long."
So much is said in that paragraph that one could go away for a year and learn
all about the topic of inflation, come back to this paragraph, and find new
truths to be revealed. Ludwig von Mises was ahead of his time, but he preceded
the currently unprecedented floating global fiat monetary experiment, which
began with Nixon's closing of the gold window, officially in 1973.
I am personally certain his definition of inflation in terms of the subjective
exchange value of money would have become more advanced were he alive and well
today, and much clearer in relation to our current predicament. Certainly,
the import and export of inflation/deflation is not new, but how and whether
the floating exchange rate between two countries using credit money, and engaged
in freer trade, affects the objective exchange value of money must be (new).
To be sure, new economic theory will probably emerge from this experiment
showing how the government, Fed, and entire global banking system achieved
feats (good and bad) never before accomplished in the history of mankind.
But this paragraph also has other significance to us besides cleaning up our
definition of inflation and deflation.
It is an important point that either inflation or deflation is constantly
going on, and even more important is Mises' observation that a stable
purchasing power for money is unattainable.
It is true, but good luck in trying to measure it. Still, Wanniski's model
seeks to fix the objective exchange value of the dollar against gold. This
way he hopes to cure these "manifestations" of inflation and deflation, but
by allowing (actually promoting) growth in the monetary aggregates the model,
as he does, overlooks the causes of both. Monetarists believe that the money
supply is a neutral variable and that it is the rate of interest, which causes
inflation or deflation, thus completely disregarding the quantity influence
of money, which Wanniski embraces when it is convenient.
And the odd thing about that contradiction is Wanniski recognizes that deflation
is a consequence of, or related to, a mismatch between the demand and supply
of money but he doesn't seem to acknowledge otherwise the broad social and
economic effects of a growing money stock, preferring to hide beneath the assumption
that demand for money must be rising independently of its supply.
In asserting that it is someone's job (like a central bank) to ensure a match
between the demand and supply of money it is assumed that the demand for money,
and economic demand measured by GDP are the same, and that they are independent
of the quantity of money supplied.
But that isn't quite correct. For one, the calculation of GDP includes the
interaction between expanding monetary aggregates and real output, as well
as net economic demand resulting from the expansion in monetary aggregates.
Didn't the financial industry expand enormously over the past decade? Sure
it did because new markets developed that were necessary to stabilize the massive
inflation, and new ventures arose out of the reckless supply of easy money
for the taking. Entire industries were erected from the era of easy money that
specialized in creating demand for it.
The only thing that stimulates the demand for a lot more money is
a system that is based on an inflationist agenda.
Money in this economy is created when someone wants to borrow for something,
be it for business investment or for consumption. The latter is not normally
originated out of the demand for money, but it surely adds to it. Not a moment
after spending the money, securities for sale, which will be bought by one
of the banks that deals with the Fed, or financed by the Fed. Demand for that
money will be determined by a suite of variables independent of the decisions
that went into its creation, such as yield and quality. And it is money because
it is fiduciary media that is counted in the monetary aggregates.
But it isn't good money. It's increasingly bad money, and there's too much
of it.
After a thorough analysis of Professor Wanniski's argument we have determined
that there is agenda inherent in his rhetoric. Just to clear the air, we do
not have any personal animosity towards Mr. Wanniski. Our animosity stems from
the fact that he operates under a disguise, and that there is a goal to his
work, which explains its inaccuracies.
Having reportedly met with Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, and all the other
names he likes to drop in his writing, it is apparent to us that he is vying
for a spot as a player in whatever changes our global monetary pirates have
in mind. Were it not for that we would not need to refer to his name, only
his arguments.
Are Defaults Due to Inflation or Deflation?
His goal for instance explains (his symptoms?) why it is he defines Japan's
monetary plight in terms of the yen and all of the others in terms of the
dollar, rather than the Brazilian Real, Russian Ruble, or the Zimbabwe dollar.
Japan uses the dollar as its primary monetary reserve as well.
I remember reading about Russia's "inflation" crisis throughout the
nineties, which makes sense since the Ruble was in steep decline post
the failed Soviet full employment doctrine - communism.
Sure, dollars increasingly were becoming the preferred choice, but in all
cases, their currencies collapsed as a consequence of a long running unsustainable
inflation that broke down. The result was increasing prices in terms of the
most common medium of exchange, and simultaneously, a preference for a new
medium of exchange.
Let us extend that by saying, hypothetically, were the dollar foreign exchange
rate to collapse under the weight of excessive money supply, and the world
went to a gold standard, there would be inflation in terms of the dollar and
deflation in terms of gold, as was indeed the case throughout the seventies.
But since the dollar stayed on, our perspective is through that medium. Should
the dollar go away for good, our future perspective will be from another currency.
Thus Wanniski is already assuming that these countries are going to become
dollarized.
Additionally, it isn't deflation that is causing the rise in national default
and bankruptcy rates. It is indeed tempting to conclude, as does Mr. Wanniski,
that both must be symptoms of an oncoming deflation if not its cause. But they
are neither.
On the contrary, we argue that they are a direct consequence of the aging
monetary boom, which began post Reagan, and a central bank policy that continues
to set fire to a faltering credit bubble, mature credit cycle, in particular,
bad investment policy.
In other words, it isn't "not enough money" that is causing the problem
but "too much money," as usual.
Had monetary policy been kept neutral throughout the past few years then there
may have been deflation, for various reasons, but it hasn't and consequently
there is not a single question in our minds that the cost of the failure of
this entire monetary experiment is going to be born by the dollar. Of course
the Federal Reserve and US Treasury will deny it, "they" created it.
Let's get real here. Defaults are not happening simply because money is now
scarce, but because too much money continues to chase after bad
money (or uneconomic ventures). Even today, while default rates are rising,
American financial institutions are lending more and more money, thus fueling
the poor decisions going into making loans. And as David Tice says, the only
reason that default rates are not higher is because:
"This aggressiveness has increased the denominator in the loan default
ratios, making it appear that credit quality is not falling as quickly
as it really is, as newly extended loans don't default that quickly."
This of course begs the question that if they ended their easy credit policies
wouldn't the money stock contract, as the consequence of rising default rates,
which would indeed bring on deflation?
Whoa horsy, what on earth could persuade them to tighten credit, risk of bad
loans? Didn't we just say that they are easy, largely to keep those
bad loans liquid? But it is more that that.
The fact that a contracting money stock is deflationary assumes that
we are talking about money when we discuss the US dollar.
What is Money?
But what if in the end the markets determine that the US dollar is not really
money? It is for all intents and purposes, because it functions as a medium
of exchange and unit of account. But Mises says that credit money comes into
being out of a temporary suspension of full convertibility. While the dollar
is exchangeable for anything at the moment that does not mean there is a
guarantee it will for the foreseeable future. Full convertibility ended with
Roosevelt in 1934, and whether it is arguable or not, we contend that this
money represented by the dollar today came into being by a breach of the
constitution, if not the law.
Since then the only guarantee of convertibility lies in the capability of
the institutions charged with our full faith and credit to guarantee all debtor
contracts that support the issue of this liability money. So that guarantee
depends on the Fed's viability, which in turn depends on how effectively they
can inflate, something, anything…
Ironically, one of the things that can prevent the breakdown in the
value of the dollar if only temporarily, and at least in theory, is the belief
that deflation is setting upon the economy. If participants believe that the
consequence of the decade's monetary boom is deflation then they will act accordingly,
which, as we ought to know will invoke the old savings paradox, where individuals
seeking to protect themselves from deflation will hoard cash balances and collectively
cause a deflation.
The wildcard here today is in what they will choose as money. The dollar is
not fully convertible into anything, plainly abundant and over-owned, is losing
its investment premium, has claims against it, and thus falls short in its
role as a store of value.
Our guess is that if the US credit cycle is structurally mature then
so is the value of the dollar, in whatever role it played while the cycle
was in its boom phase. In other words, the dollar's fate is not only
tied to the stock market, but also to the credit cycle.
The bust sequence of monetary/credit cycles since the gold standard was actually
abandoned (in 1934) has been bearish for the dollar, and we see no reason why
this much bigger bust is any different.
The one exception was the post WWII recession, but then that was because Bretton
Woods required the world to own more dollars.
Which brings us back to the Polish named economist. In The Deflation Monster,
Jude Wanniski quotes Mises and criticizes JM Keynes as if he were a proponent
of sound money himself, but nothing could be further from the truth. In fact,
it is the same trick that Keynes used in criticizing the 1929 Fed for being
too tight. While it appeared that he was opposed to the Fed and favored a gold
standard, the truth was in the opposite of both illusions.
Jude Wanniski and Robert Mundell are proponents of fixity, or fixed exchange
rates. They advocate a variation on the Bretton Woods international monetary
standard where the United States would control but not monopolize the agreement.
That system was unsound, as is any monetary system contrived by the State to
oppose market forces. Near the end of his article, Wanniski says that:
"In a new (monetary) regime, we might expect the United States to get
more say in its management than other member states, but not a monopoly
power, which is what it had in the Bretton Woods system. I believe Mundell
could design such a system between breakfast and lunch, as he has been
thinking about it for decades."
I'm certain he has.
Thus, his idea is for an immoral gold standard, much like the one that Keynes
helped develop the Bretton Woods system around. Although he writes that he
is bullish on the price of gold, he is not bullish on what gold really stands
for. If he were he wouldn't weigh down the sound money principle with more
policy.
Our suspicion of Mr. Wanniski is in no small part ground in the convenience
that declining gold prices present to his argument.
Indeed I wonder how smart his deflation argument would look if it were true
that the world's central banking cartels have been manipulating the dollar/gold
ratio? That one tiny truth would have to put him in the inflation camp faster
than you could say I. What then would be his argument for deflation, or anyone's
for that matter?
Wanniski Conveniently Doesn't Get It
So what can we make of current circumstances, where the nation's most revered
and popular economists seem to be engaged in some form of agenda?
Make no mistake; Wanniski is a Statist and an enemy to gold in its role as
guardian of the sound money doctrine. But his argument is undoubtedly convenient
for some interests today. Interests that want to persuade you of the strong
dollar, which is the only way they can defer the inevitable… inflation
breakdown.
What he wants for gold is already happening, according to GATA, but has been
taken advantage of. If this proves to be true (it is true but proving it is
another thing) then clearly there is not a little hole in his arguments (which
we think might look rather dumb in hindsight, someday).
Ludwig von Mises, for instance, knew full well that the principle
of sound money and monetary "policy" are mutually exclusive.
Wanniski is blind to that concept. Moreover, John Keynes, an advocate and
early designer of the Bretton Woods monetary system (along with Irving Fisher),
preached that the supply of money must keep pace with output. Our Polish economist
too preaches this nonsense, which disregards the monetary affects on the computation
of aggregate demand, as discussed earlier.
Nonetheless, while completely disregarding the principle of sound money (as
defined by Mises) throughout the paper, Wanniski proceeds to quote Mises in
the context of one of his rejections of policy altogether in what must be utter
ignorance about Mises' views on the subject:
"People labored under the delusion that the evils caused by inflation
could be cured by a subsequent deflation… but the statesmen who were
responsible for the deflationary policy were not aware of the import of
their action. They failed to see the consequences which were, even in their
own eyes, undesirable, and if they had recognized them in time, they would
not have known how to avoid them." - Ludwig von Mises.
Allow us to complete Mises' thoughts on the subject of State and money from
his Theory on Money and Credit:
"Once the principle is so much as admitted that the state may and should
influence the value of money, even if it were only to guarantee the stability
of its value, the danger of mistakes and excesses immediately arises again."
One of the biggest ironies as pertains to Wanniski quoting Mises is that Supply
Side doctrine precludes the individual as a primary actor in the economy, while
he is the primary actor in Austrian economic doctrine. According to Wanniski:
"In a supply side model, it is not consumers but producers of goods -
those who supply them to the marketplace - who are the primary actors."
This markedly alters one of the main properties that have historically made
money what it is, by making its role as a store of value secondary to its role
as a medium of exchange, for instance. Consider what Mises says on credit money:
"Yet credit money is not merely an acknowledgement of indebtedness and
a promise to pay. As money, it has a different standing in the transactions
of the market. It is true that it could not have become a money substitute
unless it had constituted a claim. Nevertheless, at the moment when it
became actual money - credit money - (even through a breach of law), it
ceased to be valued with regard to the more or less uncertain prospect
of its future full conversion and began to be valued for the sake of the
monetary function that it performed. Its far lower value as an uncertain
claim to a future cash payment has no significance so long as its higher
value as a common medium of exchange is taken into account."
Doesn't it all make sense that if our money, being credit money, has no value
as an uncertain claim to a future cash payment or conversion that it is of
prime importance that the state continues to promote its value as a medium
of exchange?
Isn't it of prime importance that the credit cycle, stock market boom,
and full employment doctrine don't stop so as to put into question the
dollar's convertibility?
But then if they continue, great right? Wrong. If the stock market bubble/inflation
is the result of growth in the money supply over the nineties (duh) under the
auspices of a full employment doctrine then the result will ultimately be the
same as it always has been. The longer goes the misallocation of resources
through a mostly artificial boom, the greater will be the corrective forces
required to re-employ the economy.
Unfortunately, the booms this century and indeed often through history, have
been of monetary origin, or the equivalent of debasement. The only thing standing
in front of the crystallization of this fact is the Treasury and Supply Side
doctrine.
For doesn't Supply-Side doctrine fit conveniently into our current monetary
predicament, and doesn't it fit nicely with our belief that we live in a capitalist
society? More than perhaps even the highly regarded Jude Wanniski will ever
know. For it must be pure ignorance on the professor's part not to understand
that Austrian economic theory is based on (individual) human action as the
core economic variable, a position that seems diametrically opposite to the
one above.
The Inflation Trap
Some time ago we wrote a piece entitled "There
is No SafeHaven," where we concluded that the Fed is in an inflation trap,
and proceeded to detail seven reasons. Briefly here they are (for a better
understanding of each, please refer to above link):
- The Fed's sponge is politically incorrect, and fundamentally disabled.
- Inflation has always existed, but nobody can see it.
- The new dollar paradigm has made the US dollar vulnerable to tight money.
- Vested interests in the cancellation of all debts: U.S. is a debtor nation,
as opposed to a creditor nation such as Japan.
- The Fed itself no longer controls the money supply. ยท The politics of the
dollar are stressing the strong dollar policy.
- Lender of last resort model guarantees all debtor contracts.
I think our arguments are more advanced today, but our conclusion is the same,
that deflation in the United States is utter nonsense, and impossible. We believe
this to still be true and in fact many of the points above have now intensified
along with our view that the current deflationary conundrum has been brought
on by unsustainable and easily reversible policy that is designed to actually
control the massive inflation agenda.

Source: Economagic.com
The one where we have proven wrong so far is that the politics of the dollar
stressed out a year ago. Clearly, we have learned since then how powerfully
vested interests are shared across the border. But a market is a market, and
we may be dealing with forces bigger than just the United States Treasury or
Fed, but the bigger they are the harder…
Let us add one more to our list. This one is speculative but quite logical.
We believe that when it is clear that the US credit cycle is going to contract
individuals and investors will deem that the dollar does not qualify as money,
provided they are allowed to make the choice, and eventually even if they are
not.
Sooner or later the dollar is going to fall from grace as a global
international reserve currency, in our view, as a consequence of the
illegal devaluation required of a credit currency in a secular bust.
Thus (Robert), I do not think that it will come down to which will be a greater
force, deflation or the foreign repatriation of deposits, but what will the
primary actor in our economy choose as money when the credit cycle goes indisputably
into reverse.
Conclusions
I sincerely hope you understand inflation and deflation better after reading
this. At least we do after writing it.
Despite a cogent non-deflationary explanation for many symptoms of deflation
today it is likely that the deflation side of the debate will survive. As Mises
says, the forces of inflation and deflation are always going to be there.
I wasn't always as convinced as today about the ultimate inflation breakdown.
Prior to 1998 and in another life I was in the deflation camp. It was the events
subsequent where it became apparent that the nation's obsession with deflation
was going to produce what is properly called an inflation breakdown.
An inflation breakdown may manifest in deflation or it may manifest
in the money, in which case Keynesians would label it stagflation. It
is a breakdown in the inflation agenda responsible for undermining the
sound money principle.
The period in between 1971 and 1980 should be properly dubbed an inflation
break down, not simply inflation, and especially not the Keynesian term "stagflation." We
have had inflation forever. Fact.
Certainly a reversal of the credit cycle may indeed bring about a contraction
in the so called money stock, but simultaneously, if the value of the dollar
is as we cite largely a function of the viability of the US credit cycle then
the consequences ought to show up sooner or later in the exchange value of
the dollar against other things that better qualify as money, which perhaps
don't have a claim against it, and especially once the credit cycle is deemed
a bust.
Deflation? They wish. US Dollar governors (O'Neill and friends) are working
hard to make you believe in this economy, and at the moment, in its recovery.
Meanwhile the global banking establishment is working hard to defer the consequences
of the unprecedented late nineties' malinvestments, particularly the resultant
bad loans.
Their efforts, however, largely continue to worsen the underlying problem
as well as drag out the corrective forces like Chinese water torture, obviously
in the belief that they can re-ignite the full employment doctrine.
Who knows, maybe they can, but it can't last for various reasons we normally
cite.
So, when Professor Wanniski says that deflation will result in a declining
monetary standard he is plainly wrong. Inflation results in a declining monetary
standard when it breaks down.
By saying that deflation is a decline in the monetary standard Wanniski overlooks
the savers choice in deciding money by not differentiating between its role
as a medium of exchange and its role as store of value. It is no surprise he
does this since supply side doctrine assumes that the producer is the primary
actor. But at the same time he endorses our argument with respect to the quality
of the money, unwittingly.
And we argue that it is quality (defined in his way) indeed that will determine
what the individual saver will choose, and in the end, producers have no use
for a medium of exchange that isn't accepted by the individual either. Furthermore,
simply by offering up a system of money similar to the Bretton Woods agreement,
he infers that the money today does not stand on its own. It needs government
help.
We would agree that it does not stand on its own, but refuse the government's
help in deciding for us where we should keep our savings.
In lieu of this solution alone, we suggest that it must be clear right
up to Paul O'Neill's suite that the money is just no good.
If the inflation ultimately leads to a new monetary system, or standard, then
we will have deflation.
We cannot have deflation until we have learned to despise inflation.
It will be the change to new money that will create deflation and it will
be a good thing in the long run, so long as the money is not a new monetary
regime such as the one presented by Professor Jude Wanniski and modeled after
Bretton Woods.
Anyhow, all of this cannot end well for the economy indeed, but worse, it
cannot end well for the dollar. Money supply can contract while
the value of the currency is in decline. It did this August, briefly, while
the dollar was in descent. Furthermore, if the objective as well as subjective
exchange value of the dollar can rise while it is growing in quantity why on
earth could it not decline while it is falling in quantity.
And it shouldn't need to be even said that anyone working for the government
or financial sector is unlikely to say the money is bad, for they are in the
business of creating it. It follows then if we are correct that since deflation
is bullish for the currency, in that it manifests in a rising exchange value
against other things, it is vital for policymakers to ensure the deflation
argument dominates expectations, which is how they attack inflation expectations.
Promoting the concept of deflation is a policy benefit that we can directly
link to the Federal Reserve's interests, and thus deflation arguments even
if correct ought to be suspect from an analytical viewpoint. Remember, the
idea and agenda is to continue to inflate, but there is no way to do that effectively
if inflation expectations rise.
Thus there is deflationary bias in all of their data, which is why when we
hear reports that crude inventories are building, they are interpreted as potentially
deflationary rather than a reflection of inflation expectations. The year 2001
has been a success for Fed policy in choking off inflation expectations, but
it has not and cannot be an instrument of deflation. That is preposterous.
Near the end of his document, Jude Wanniski says, "an obsession with inflation
can be counted upon to bring deflation." But so too can an obsession with deflation
bring about inflation. Jude Wanniski is not who he appears to be. He is, in
our estimation, a reincarnation of John Maynard Keynes; also a generalist with
little real economic depth. And his goal is to help Mundell write the new global
monetary order perhaps so that the United States does not face an illegal devaluation.
However, so far deflation is just a bogeyman. The rate of growth in money
supply continues to astound us, and the only sign of deflation is in some of
the shared symptoms that have resulted from a confluence of market and managed
events.
If we are wrong and deflation does occur in dollar terms then it is because
either the market chooses the dollar as money when the credit cycle implodes,
or policymakers rig the dollar through a global monetary system requiring all
foreign participants to give up some of their right to full convertibility.
Nonetheless, this may be good for gold prices if gold becomes an anchor in
the short term, but it isn't good for capitalism, liberty, or prosperity (excepting
the few rigging the game).
Moreover, we don't think it can work because it would require an independent
audit of the nation's gold reserves. On the contrary, we are confident that
some day the O'Neill Dollar, Greenspan Fed, and the Wanniski Deflation will
all become the butt of good ethnic and/or economic humor.
The survival of capitalism depends on it.
1. "Thus the sound money principle has two aspects. It is affirmative
in approving the market's choice of a commonly used medium of exchange. It
is negative in obscuring the government's propensity to meddle with the currency
system." - Mises, on the principle of sound money, pp454, the Theory of Money
and Credit
2. The criticism Mises cited by some groups against sound money
and liberty at the time was that it was negative in its definition.
3. "The central element in the economic problem of money is the
objective exchange value of money, popularly called its purchasing power. This
is the necessary starting point of all discussion; for it is only in connection
with its objective exchange value that those peculiar properties of money that
have differentiated it from commodities are conspicuous. This must not be understood
to imply that subjective value is of less importance in the theory of money
than elsewhere. The subjective estimates of individuals are the basis of the
economic valuation of money just as of that of other goods. And these subjective
estimates are ultimately derived, in the case of money as in the case of other
economic goods, from the significance attaching to a good or complex of goods
as the recognized necessary condition for the existence of a utility, given
certain ultimate aims on the part of some individual. Nevertheless, while the
utility of other goods depends on certain external facts (the objective use-value
of the commodity) and certain internal facts (the hierarchy of human needs),
that is, on conditions that do not belong to the category of the economic at
all but are partly of a technological and partly of a psychological nature,
the subjective value of money is conditioned by its objective exchange value,
that is, by a characteristic that falls within the scope of economics." An
excerpt from The Theory of Money and Credit; Part Two,, chapter 7 by Ludwig
von Mises
4. Jude Wanniski is the president of www.Polyconomics.com, a website
dealing with political and economic topics. His career included journalism
for the Wall Street Journal, and is known for his book "The Way the World Works," which
was the birth of supply side doctrine that some know as Reagan-omics.
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