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As the prospect of Euro entry recedes, there has been a welcome improvement in
the quality of the debate. There is a good case for Britain joining, but the
Euro enthusiasts have been generally poor advocates, by seeking to avoid the
vital issue of the exchange rate at entry.
Fundamentally Euro entry must be a political and not an economic issue. This
is not only because the balance of long-term economic advantages is uncertain,
but because there are many factors which are more important.
This is illustrated by the disparate performance of Eurozone economies. If
a common currency was the key to prosperity they would all have prospered.
Equally, the relative success of peripheral countries, such as Ireland and
Spain, makes it hard to blame the Euro for the troubles at the centre.
(Will Cuppy, in his Decline and Fall of Practically Everybody, comments on
a similar situation during the fourteen years when Nero was Emperor of Rome
and the outlying provinces were said to have prospered. Cuppy simply remarks
that they were further away. It would give too much importance to Brussels
to assume that this argument could be extended to the European Union).
Many of the arguments frequently heard are of the type that businessmen favour
when they discuss economics. There is, for example, the claim that inward investment
would be encouraged by membership. There are, however, several problems with
this.
One is that such investment would logically be driven by the prospect of profitability
rather than membership and, if Britain joined at the wrong rate, the logical
expectation would be that the current low profitability of manufacturing would
be prolonged.
The second difficulty is that inward investment is not necessarily an advantage.
If, for example, it is financed by foreign capital, it will tend to push up
the exchange rate and, at least in the run up to entry, exacerbate the problem.
(It is an odd feature of public life that businessmen do not feel bound to
claim expertise in the law, science or medicine unless they have duly studied
these highly technical subjects. They seem to feel, however, than an understanding
of economics arrives automatically with their appointment to the board and
requires no effort of thought or study.)
The long-term economic case is a simple balance between the advantages that
we should derive from lower transaction and information costs, leading to improved
economies of scale, and the disadvantage that comes from a reduced ability
to respond to shocks.
It is generally agreed that wages and prices rise more readily than they fall.
If a fall in real wages and prices is needed, it is easier to achieve this
by cutting the exchange rate than by pushing down nominal incomes and prices.
It is an open question whether the former outweighs the latter in the long-term.
A reasonable person would therefore assume that the long-term balance of economic
advantage is unlikely to be marked and that Euro entry will be less important
than other factors, such as the overall economic management of the economy.
Politics should therefore be the long-term determinant, which is perhaps fortunate,
as it seems clear that the supporters and opponents of entry generally select
their economic claims to bolster their political prejudices.
Economics are, however, very important in the short-term. The economy will
be subject to a major shock at the time of entry. It would therefore be extremely
stupid if we joined without being sure that sterling was not overvalued. Because
prices and wages rise in nominal terms more easily than they fall, this is
not a symmetric problem. We need not seriously worry if sterling is undervalued
at entry, only it if might be overvalued.
Despite its recent weakness, it is not rationally possible to claim that sterling
is clearly undervalued today. First, sterling is more or less at the same level
that proved too high when we were forced out of the ERM in 1992. Second, the
return on manufacturing, which is hit by an overvalued exchange rate, is roughly
half that of the service industries which are largely protected.
Common prudence demands that we should seek a further substantial depreciation
from the current level before joining. Happily, by accident rather than design,
there seems little danger that we will rush to join at the current rate.
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