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Antal E. Fekete
Gold Standard University
aefekete@hotmail.com
The classical formulation of the paradox of interest is due to Böhm-Bawerk
and Schumpeter. Its modern formulation is due to Hausman and Kirzner. I quote
Kirzner:
Much - perhaps all - will turn out to depend on the way in which the interest
problem is formulated. For present purposes we adopt a modern formulation
of the problem, but wish to emphasize that this formulation is very similar
in spirit and character to classic formulations… The modern formulation
we cite is that of Hausman. Hausman points out that an "individual's capital
. . . enables that individual to earn interest. If the capital is invested
in a machine, the sum of the rentals the machine earns over its lifetime
is greater than the machine's cost. Why?" Common observation, that is, tells
us that possession of a given stock or capital funds can, by judicious investment
(say, in a machine) yield a continuous flow of income (annual rentals net
of depreciation) without impairing the ability of the capital funds to serve
indefinitely as a source of income. The problem is, how this can occur. Why
is not the price of the machine (paid by the capitalist at the time he
invests in the machine) bid up (by the competition of others eagerly
seeking to capture the net surplus of rentals over cost) - to the point
where no such surplus remains? We are seeking, then, an explanation for
an observed phenomenon which is, in the absence of a theory of interest,
unable to be accounted for. Absent a theory of interest, no interest income
ought to be forthcoming, except as a transient phenomenon; competition ought
to squeeze it out of existence.
In this note I propose to solve the paradox by suggesting that the exchange
of wealth and income should be made the cornerstone of the theory of interest,
replacing the exchange of a present and a future good.
To say that the capitalist "invests" his wealth is too simplistic. Investing
is bound to confuse the issue. Moreover, possession of wealth does not automatically
guarantee access to income. There is an implicit exchange of wealth and income
interposed between the capitalist and entrepreneur that needs to be made explicit.
Here is what happens.
The capitalist exchanges wealth for income. Income is yielded by the entrepreneur,
who converts wealth into capital goods (such as a machine or a fruit tree)
and hires a manager to tend them (including the task of setting depreciation
quotas in anticipation of having to replace the capital goods at the end of
their useful life without further charges to the capitalist). The entrepreneur
sets up three accounts for the distribution of the yield after depreciation,
namely, one for each of:
(1) a fixed interest income payable to the capitalist,
(2) wages payable to the manager,
(3) the remainder, or entrepreneurial profit, payable to himself.
In this way it is revealed that "investing" involves an exchange of wealth
for income, and it is no longer a mystery that the sum total of income payments
exceeds the wealth subject to the exchange. If entrepreneurs were not prepared
to pay the capitalist an income in exchange for wealth at positive interest,
then the latter would simply withdraw his offer to make the exchange and fall
back on direct conversion of wealth into income through dishoarding (ideally,
dishoarding gold). From his point of view direct conversion is preferable to,
and less risky than, indirect conversion or exchange at zero interest. In this
light the modern formulation of the interest problem and the language of "investing" appear
rather naive, if not outright boorish. It ignores the triple partnership of
the capitalist, the entrepreneur, and the manager underlying the enterprise.
It bypasses the problem of managerial compensation, and obscures the emergence
of entrepreneurial profit. These, plus the interest income, must come out of
the gross yield of capital (after depreciation). Only the last-named, profit,
could fall to zero in the process, and it is the task of the entrepreneur to
bolster it by looking for more promising production targets, possibly involving
the application of a different set of capital goods.
Thus the act of investing is ridden with all sorts of specifics. Therefore
it is eminently justifiable that we cut through the maze of irrelevant details
with our abstraction of exchanging wealth and income. "Investing" is far too
imprecise a term to be useful in developing theory.
Even if the owner of wealth is prepared to take the role of the entrepreneur,
or that of the manager, or both upon himself, we still have to assume that
there is an underlying exchange of wealth and income. Suppose, for the sake
of argument, that the capitalist is acting as his own manager and also as his
own entrepreneur. He must still break down his operation into that of three
departments: (1) the bondholding, (2) the managerial, and (3) the entrepreneurial
departments. Accordingly, he would oversee three accounts: the interest account,
the managerial compensation account, and the entrepreneurial profit account.
If he wants to have sound financial controls, he must assume that an exchange
of wealth and income has taken place between the bondholding and the entrepreneurial
departments, and he must not blend the three accounts into one. Only in this
way can he be sure that the fixed income is not out of line with the rate of
interest prevailing in the market and that, similarly, his managerial compensation
is fixed at a level which is consonant with what he could get in the competitive
market. Any shortfall in gross income must then hit the entrepreneurial profit
account first - a penalty for the poor choice of the line of production, or
of capital stock employed. If profit is wiped out, further shortfall would
hit the managerial compensation account - a penalty for setting depreciation
quotas too low. In this way the interest income is cushioned twice. Repairs
must be made before further deterioration could threaten it.
A different order of priorities would make repair, indeed, economic survival,
difficult if not impossible. For example, if entrepreneurial profit and managerial
compensation were allowed to continue unabated while interest income was reduced
to zero, then the operation would no longer have economic justification. The
owner-manager would be better off if he sold his capital stock, bought the
bonds of other firms, forgot about his own entrepreneurship, and took a managerial
job elsewhere. Without such an internal accounting procedure assuming an underlying
exchange of wealth and income the investor would lose financial control of
his enterprise. He would be at a loss in trying to compare the efficiency of
his entrepreneurship and managerial talents with those of others.
Triple-Entry Revenue-Accounting
I submit that the triple partnership of the capitalist, entrepreneur, and
manager is so important in the context of the theory of interest that it ought
to be formulated as an independent principle, on a par with the Principle of
Double-Entry Book-Keeping.
The Principle of Triple-Entry Revenue-Accounting asserts that the
capitalist who goes into partnership with the entrepreneur and the manager
will succeed best if he adopts the following formula for the distribution
of revenue (after depreciation) from the enterprise. He sets up three accounts,
in order of seniority moving from the senior to the junior: the interest
account; the managerial compensation account; and the entrepreneurial profit
account. Whereas insufficient revenue affects the junior before affecting
the senior accounts, all surpluses accrue to the junior (profit) account.
Triple-entry revenue-accounting is applicable par excellence in case
the capitalist acts as his own entrepreneur or manager. Rather than plowing
the three accounts into one, the successful capitalist-entrepreneur shall
keep the exchange of wealth and income that underlies his enterprise in evidence.
Triple-entry revenue-accounting is necessary in order to keep the enterprise
competitive and economically healthy, to ensure that it is capable of self-correction
and self-improvement. Any different order of priority in revenue distribution
makes the enterprise economically vulnerable and less competitive.
Synthesis between the time preference and productivity theories of interest
Re-setting the paradigm from exchanging present and future goods to exchanging
income and wealth has other important consequences besides disposing of the
paradox of interest. It is the point of departure towards a synthesis between
the time preference and productivity theories of interest.
It is commonly assumed that an irreconcilable conflict obtains between the
two. But as we shall now see, the time preference and the productivity theories
are in fact complementary. The instrument of exchanging income and wealth is
the gold bond. By definition the rate of interest is that rate which amortizes
the market price of the bond by maturity when the face value of the bond falls
due. If the bond sells at par, then the rate of interest coincides with the
coupon rate. It is higher or lower than the coupon rate according as the bond
sells below or above par (so that the rate of interest varies inversely with
the bond price).
However, following Carl Menger, we ought to consider not one but two market
prices: the higher asked price and the lower bid price. The former
determines the floor and the latter the ceiling of the range
to which the rate of interest is confined. These two rates are regulated by
two independent market processes with different protagonists in charge, as
we shall now spell out.
The floor for the rate of interest is determined by the rate of marginal
time preference. This is just the rate at which the opportunity cost
of holding the bond becomes critical to the marginal bondholder. At the next
down-tick in the rate of interest he will sell the bond -- in view of his
opportunity to carry wealth in the form of a present good, gold, rather than
a future good, the gold bond.
The ceiling for the rate of interest is determined by the rate of marginal
productivity of capital, that is, the rate at which the opportunity cost
of carrying capital stock becomes critical to the marginal entrepreneur.
At the next up-tick in the rate of interest he will sell the stock -- in
view of his opportunity to carry his earning assets in the form of a higher-yielding
gold bond. Thus the rate of interest is regulated from below by the arbitrage
operations of bondholders between the bond market and the gold market, and
from above by the arbitrage operations of entrepreneurs between the bond
market and the market for capital stock.
In more details, bondholders will not let the rate of interest go through
the floor. In selling their overvalued bonds they will take profit and put
the proceeds into gold -- until bond prices fall and the rate of interest bounces
back to the rate of marginal time preference. At that time they will buy back
their bond.
Likewise, entrepreneurs will not let the rate of interest go through the ceiling.
They will stop production, discontinue maintenance of capital stock, abolish
depreciation quotas, and put their savings into the undervalued bond -- until
bond prices rise and the rate of interest falls back to the rate of marginal
productivity of capital. At that time they sell the bond at a profit and put
the proceeds back into capital stock. The persistent selling of bonds at the
floor, and the persistent buying of the same at the ceiling, will confine the
rate of interest to a range and keep it on an even keel.
Note that the arbitrage of the marginal bondholder between the bond and the
gold market lends teeth to time preference as it forces the banks and the government
to yield to the wishes of the savers. Without it time preference would remain
a mere prayer, just a cry in the wilderness.
Gold withdrawal by bondholders, and also by holders of bank notes or deposits,
is not a drawback of the gold standard. Rather, it is its main excellence placing
as it does the ability to install or to retire capital, and the power to create
or to extinguish money, squarely where they belong: into the hands of the people.
It is precisely these spontaneous gold flows that prevent the government from
usurping the power to create money, and the banks, to form capital. The idea
that the government can organize debt into currency, and that the banks can
organize credit into capital, is pernicious and will ultimately lead to the
self-destruction of the monetary system and the economy.
References:
Israel M. Kirzner, The Pure Time-Preference Theory of Interest:
An attempt at clarification, in the volume: The Meaning of Ludwig
von Mises, Norwell (Mass.): Kluwer, 1993, p 166 ff.
A. E. Fekete, Gold and Interest, A Synthesis between Time
Preference and Productivity Theories of Interest, Memorial University
of Newfoundland, St.John's, Newfoundland, 1998, p 14, 52-54, 58-59.
Notes:
My 1998 treatise Gold and Interest is out of print. Photocopies
of the 120 page book can be obtained for € 75 per copy (€ 50 per
copy on multiple-copy orders), postage included. Send your order and check
to: A. E. Fekete, H-1025 Budapest, Ali utca 9/B, Hungary.
While my theory of interest is applicable to the regime of the
gold standard, this does not mean that no lesson can be extracted from it in
studying the problem of interest under the regime of irredeemable currency.
For example, Gibson's paradox can be considered as a corruption of it, just
as irredeemable currency is a corruption of the redeemable variety. I shall
deal with this issue in a forthcoming article.
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