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"There is no precedent to go by, for there has never been a reserve-currency
issuer that turned into a profligate debtor." - Marshall Auerback
On June 23, 1997 former Japanese Prime Minister, Ryutaro Hashimoto, sent a
chill through the global financial markets after he wondered aloud' what would
happen to the U.S. economy if Japan began to sell some of its $300 billion
in U.S. Treasury Securities and began buying gold. Following Hashimoto's remarks
the Dow Jones Industrial Average plunged by 192 points - the largest single
day point loss for the Dow since the Crash of 1987.
Although the Hashimoto incident has long been forgotten - especially since
chaos on the Asian markets led to a 554 point Dow drop later in 1997 (Oct 27)
and Japan never did sell its Treasuries - what should not be forgotten is the
potential political and economic leverage, both indirect and direct, which
foreign ownership of U.S. Securities entails. To be sure, whether it is an
off the cuff remark/threat from Hashimoto (aides to Hashimoto were quick to
say that the comments were not intended as threatening) or rumors that China
is retaliating to Yuan revaluation pressures by curtailing its Treasury purchases
(a rumor neither confirmed nor denied) it is the supporting players in the
U.S. Treasury market saga that are increasingly proving to be director, producer,
and General of the U.S. future.
That the U.S. economy is increasingly slipping into a condition of foreign
dependency requires some elaboration. To this end, consider the possible effects
of foreign dependence along two fronts, one passive and one active. Along the
passive front there is no requirement for any specific action on the part of
foreign governments for U.S. dependency to be realized. In fact, all that is
required is that foreign holders express disinterest in U.S. Treasury offerings
- either because interest rates are not considered attractive enough or for
'other' reasons. Since the U.S. must take in roughly $1.3 billion a day in
foreign investment to finance its current account deficit, a mere abstinence
from further Treasury purchases is enough to produce dramatic consequences
for the U.S. economy. If the current account is not balanced by capital inflows,
U.S. interest rates would have to rise and the dollar would fall. This would
affect economic activity not only directly by making domestic borrowing more
expensive, but also indirectly by increasing the cost of imports from countries
whose currencies are increasing versus the dollar (i.e. inflation). The fear
is that this could turn into a self-perpetuating crisis: as the dollar declines
and/or interest rates rise, a global run out of U.S. assets could precipitate.
The possible cost becomes even more apparent when one considers that the current
U.S. economic expansion has been fueled in large part from declining interest
rates - in particular through mortgage refinancing. That many are already fearful
that the recent jump in interest rates threatens to de-rail the recovery speaks
volumes about the lengths to which the U.S. administration would be willing
to go in order to prevent major capital flight. Action, or more accurately
re-action, would have to be taken. In any event, if the administration is forced
to align its economic decisions with foreign investors in mind, specific domestic
considerations may be forced to take a back seat.
Moreover, the repercussions of this dependence are not only economic but political:
major foreign purchasers need to be kept on good terms, must have their chief
concerns assuaged if the U.S. deficit machine - a machine which assembles not
only domestic programs but overseas interests - is to be kept oiled. Should
foreign investors become "disillusioned" with the benefits of holding U.S.
debt, the costs to the U.S. could be greater than any potential political trade-offs.
'Other Reasons'
"For 20 years the rest of the world has been willing to invest in the U.S.
and that could end in tears." Jeffrey Frankel, professor of economists
at Harvard University
Of course the issue surrounding the foreign ownership of U.S. assets can hardly
be reduced to the daily capital needs of the American economy or to the passive
potential of foreign investors. Rather, the larger related issue is with the
possible impact that an activist foreign government could have on American
policy latitude. Documenting the increasing magnitude of foreign investment
as a percentage of total assets allows us to open up this "active" front. Put
more simply, the real nightmare is not simply that the foreign penchant for
U.S. assets will wane, but that foreign governments will actually begin to
sell what assets they already own in order to realize some ulterior policy
objective. The potential for damage here is much greater than at any time in
recent history for two reasons: 1) foreign interest in the spectrum of U.S.
assets (data sets below) has increased dramatically over the last two decades
- much more dramatically than U.S. interest in foreign assets (Excel).
2) These assets are concentrated in new regions of the globe - Asian countries
are estimated to
be in control of more than 70% of global currency reserves, or more than $1.2
Trillion in U.S. dollars. Accordingly, any significant attempt at disinvestment
by a major holder of U.S. debt - China, Japan - or concerted sell-off by a
collection of lesser players - Hong Kong, Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Singapore
(which hold more in U.S. Treasuries combined than Mainland China) - would invariably
produce a precipitous decline in the greenback. Under such a scenario the U.S.
economy would threaten a complete collapse regardless of any attempted stimulus
measures from the Fed or government.
| Foreign Portfolio Investment in Long-Term
Securities |
| Corporate Equity (Amounts in $ Billions) |
| Year |
Total Size |
Foreign Owned |
% Foreign Owned |
| 1974 |
677 |
25 |
2.70% |
| 1978 |
1,029 |
48 |
4.70% |
| 1984 |
2,158 |
105 |
4.90% |
| 1989 |
4,386 |
275 |
6.30% |
| 1994 |
7,129 |
398 |
5.60% |
| 1997 |
14,788 |
929 |
6.30% |
| 2000 |
23,038 |
1709 |
7.42% |
| Source: http://www.treas.gov (Multiple benchmark
surveys used) |
| |
| Corporate Debt |
| Year |
Total Size |
Foreign Owned |
% Foreign Owned |
| 1974 |
269 |
N.A. |
N.A. |
| 1978 |
426 |
7 |
1.60% |
| 1984 |
734 |
31 |
4.20% |
| 1989 |
1,499 |
190 |
12.70% |
| 1994 |
2,237 |
276 |
12.30% |
| 1997 |
2,956 |
572 |
19.40% |
| 2000 |
5,404 |
703 |
13.01% |
| |
| Marketable United States Treasury Securities |
| Year |
Total Size |
Foreign Owned |
% Foreign Owned |
| 1974 |
163 |
24 |
14.70% |
| 1978 |
326 |
39 |
12.00% |
| 1984 |
873 |
118 |
13.50% |
| 1989 |
1,599 |
333 |
20.80% |
| 1994 |
2,392 |
464 |
19.40% |
| 1997 |
2,741 |
1,053 |
38.40% |
| 2000 |
2,508 |
884 |
35.25% |
| |
| United States Government Agency Securities |
| Year |
Total Size |
Foreign Owned |
% Foreign Owned |
| 1974 |
103 |
N.A. |
N.A. |
| 1978 |
186 |
5 |
2.70% |
| 1984 |
528 |
13 |
2.50% |
| 1989 |
1,269 |
48 |
3.80% |
| 1994 |
2,200 |
107 |
4.90% |
| 1997 |
2,848 |
252 |
8.80% |
| 2000 |
3,968 |
261 |
6.58% |
| |
| Combined Market Size-Foreign Holdings
Table |
| Year |
Total Size |
Foreign Owned |
% Foreign Owned |
| 1974 |
1,212 |
67 |
5.50% |
| 1978 |
1,967 |
99 |
5.00% |
| 1984 |
4,293 |
268 |
6.20% |
| 1989 |
8,753 |
847 |
9.70% |
| 1994 |
13,958 |
1,244 |
8.90% |
| 1997 |
23,333 |
2,806 |
12.00% |
| 2000 |
34,918 |
3,558 |
10.19% |

To be sure, as foreign ownership - particularly Asian ownership - of U.S.
assets and greenbacks has increased, so too has the United State's reliance
on this steady inflow of capital. To some extent, of course, this has been
a deliberate and desired policy goal - capital inflows allow certain policy
objectives to be achieved without unduly taxing the domestic economy. The post-Bretton
Woods United States thus enjoyed an unparalleled capacity to fund its empire
by attracting foreign capital into its coffers - even if this meant that that
foreign capital was thereby made unavailable for local development purposes.
However, in what can be coined a classic tug of war, the question becomes at
what point does foreign ownership of U.S. assets undermine rather than support
U.S. policy objectives? When does neo-imperialism elide into dependency?
At first, it may seem unduly alarmist to argue that the U.S. economy is destined
to suffer the type of panicky capital outflows which befell Thailand, Korea,
and numerous others in the late 1990s. Similarly, it might seem overly xenophobic
to suggest that Asian countries such as Japan and China - two of the largest
holders of U.S. Treasury securities - would suddenly bite the hand that feeds
their exporters a steady stream of revenues. After all, so the argument goes,
we now live in a more interdependent, globalized world. Why would foreign governments
take policy actions which could potentially damage their own economy? Are
such concerns not increasingly anachronistic?
A quote from Norman Angell's The Great Illusion, published shortly
before the outbreak of two of the most violent conflagrations in human history
(1909) is perhaps illustrative of why such views are historically myopic:
"It is assumed that a nation's relative prosperity is broadly determined by
its political power; that nations being competing units, advantage in the last
resort goes to the possessor of preponderant military force, the weaker goes
to the wall, as in the other forms of the struggle for life. The author challenges
this whole doctrine. He attempts to show that it belongs to a stage of development
out of which we have passed, that the commerce and industry of a people no
longer depend upon the expansion of its political frontiers; that a nation's
political and economic frontiers do not now necessarily coincide; that military
power is socially and economically futile, and can have no relation to the
prosperity of the people exercising it; that it is impossible for one nation
to seize by force the wealth or trade of another -- to enrich itself by subjugating,
or imposing its will by force on another; that in short, war, even when victorious,
can no longer achieve those aims for which people strive..."
Leaving the realm of hyperbole that the above quote might suggest, there are
some specific and on the surface quite minor 'other reasons' which might explain
why Asian countries would intentionally opt to dump U.S. assets in order to
leverage some other political goal. These can be captured by one word: retaliation.
Suffice it to say, more than 6-years ago Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto
sent out a warning shot heard round the financial world (if only for a moment)
because he believed that the United States was not doing enough to keep the
dollar/Yen exchange rate stable. Flash forward to today: the U.S. is trying
to force China to revalue the Yuan, Japan is endlessly trying to deflate the
Yen, and the Euro is all over the map. Is it really that difficult to imagine
similar Hashimoto-type threats being offered desperately during the next currency
crisis?
Conclusion: The Hostage Situation
Aides would later say the media 'misinterpreted' Hashimoto's comments.
Japan's bargaining power with the United States today isn't based upon its
ability to absorb the inflationary pressures that would otherwise be produced
by the American labour market - China suitably fills that role. Rather, it
is the country's unmatched and ever escalating holdings of U.S. Treasuries.
Getting back to China, while Japan's $441 billion in Treasury's is the most
significant trump card, China is quickly catching up.

In short, since other countries continue to mirror Japan's penchant for U.S.
debt, since foreign ownership of U.S. assets has reached unprecedented (from
available data) levels, and since burgeoning U.S. dollar reserves are stocked
inside Asian central banks, the dynamics of the U.S. backed neo-liberal order
have, seemingly suddenly, been altered. This doesn't foretell of fire and brimstone
raining down on the U.S. economy at any moment - ratios such as debt/GDP, and
current account deficit/GDP are hardly absolutes in predicting near term capital
movements, and economists like Krugman have been arguing that "the dollar is
vulnerable" and "foreigners are reluctant to make long-term financial commitments
to the U.S. economy" since 1991 (or before the real explosion in foreign
investment arrived) but it does show a crack in the foundations of the American
empire. Quite frankly, should current trends continue the consent of foreign
governments will be the main force holding the U.S. world order together -
reversing the hostage situation the U.S. previously and currently imposes on
many economies. In the future, the U.S. rather than its former dependants may
be the one subject to the "austerity" measures demanded by bondholders.
As Snow heads to Asia this week with the mandate of trying to strengthen the
trading band of the Yuan, every dollar watcher is on the edge of their seats.
Will Snow bring back an unpegged Yuan, or will China successfully resist another
Plaza Accord because of their potential to undermine U.S. economic policy?
Whatever the case may be, the Hashimoto factor should not be forgotten. The
United States needs foreign investment now more than ever before, and this
is unlikely to change at any point in the foreseeable future. The U.S. economy
and the bubbles inherent to its financial markets are only sustainable so long
as foreign capital (and those who control it) is placated.
Foreign Ownership of U.S. Treasury Securities: What the
Data Show and Do Not Show
www.ny.frb.org/rmaghome/curr_iss/ci4-5.pdf
United States Transactions with Foreigners in Long-Term
Securities
www.treas.gov/tic/ticsec.html
www.bondmarkets.com/Research/tsyhold2000.shtml
www.ustreas.gov/tic/mfh.txt
The US Economy; A Changing Strategic Predicament.
- Levy
www.levy.org/docs/stratan/stratpred.html
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