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It's a ritual that repeats every four years, first during the US Presidential
primaries and then later the election itself - the candidates stomp the prairies,
and industrial heartlands, with promises to better the lot of the American
worker in today's global economy. Fair trade not free trade is a particularly
popular slogan. Then comes the election and the installation of the new President
and it is more or less business as usual: more free trade agreements, more
Doha rounds and more mock battles between the Executive and Legislative branches
over environmental and health and safety standards, which are the codes words
official Washington uses for its fairly mildly protectionists policies. Globalisation
supported by huge commercial and financial interests pushes ahead remorselessly.
The primaries this year have been no exception. John Edwards campaigned far
to the left for the union vote. Hillary Clinton has run against her husband's
NAFTA agreement that effectively created a North American customs union and
has asked for a 'timeout' on future trade deals. She has won the blue collar
vote overwhelmingly. Obama has also shifted to the left as the campaign has
developed. Only McCain, the Republican candidate, has declared himself a free
trader but the odds are against him winning the November election.
So is it business as usual or is this year really different? Whilst one should
not read too much into primary campaigns there are substantial grounds to believe
this election is significantly different than any for more than a generation
and could well have a quite profound social and political impact. The United
States Presidential elections have tended to go in approximately 36 years cycles
as regards policy and a change in the dominant party. The time for change is
upon us.
The Republicans generally controlled the White House from 1896-1932 (from
McKinley to Hoover) following a small government, generally free market approach.
The Democrats took control in 1933 with Roosevelt and controlled the commanding
heights of policy till 1968 with a high tax, relatively highly regulated, big
government regime. The Republican revolution began in 1969 and gathered momentum
under Reagan, who was elected in 1980 on a platform to roll back the state.
The revolution has largely run into the ground under the Bush administration
and the economy and the whole financial system are now possibly facing their
most profound challenges since the 1930s.
A new paradigm is waiting to be created. Operating under the rubric of the
'war on terror' government expenditures and regulatory measures have mushroomed
since 911 whilst, incredibly, taxes have been cut. The result has, of course,
been the explosion of debt, governmental and private, and a speculative orgy
financed by the country's creditors. An authoritarian surveillance state has
arisen. The hangover is now facing the United States, so the next few years
are likely to be very different from those spurred by the Reagan revolution
and its descendants.
The disparities in wealth created by the late finance boom have come at a
time when the US blue collar worker is incredibly now worse off than he was
back in 1970 in terms of real, after tax income. That is a generation and a
half of decline, something unprecedented in American history where every generation
is supposed to do better than its predecessor. His union job and the accompanying
health benefits and pension have been outsourced overseas and he has been forced
to take lesser skilled and less highly paid remuneration. He has survived by
having his wife join the labour market and using his house as an ATM until
recently. Now that game is over and he is facing a tough retirement. In recent
years the middle class has also suffered a similar incomes squeeze as globalisation
has expanded its reach upmarket and into the service areas - and the middle
class votes.
So within the US some class envy is surfacing and a mood emerging is emerging
to trim some of capitalism's excesses and address certain broken social issues,
including affordable health care and college education, as well as rebuilding
the domestic public infrastructure of roads, bridges etc., where there has
been woeful underinvestment for a generation or more.
The probabilities favour a Democrat being elected as president in November
coupled with enhanced Democrat majorities in the Congress. If that happens,
change will be inevitable. Those changes will include changes to the health
care system to provide some form of universal access, increased income taxes
on the highest earners, increased government spending in general and increased
regulation of financial services, in general, and banks, in particular. This
may have to be the costs for the substantial bailout of the banking and housing
markets in the wake of the present ongoing debacle that was evidenced by the
Bear Stearns emergency.
But will it mean the country goes protectionist? Probably not in a major way
on trade. Future deals will become harder to negotiate and even more fraught
than they are at present, with a greater regulatory burden that panders to
domestic US interest groups such as labour and the environment. But the powerful
commercial interests in favour of globalisation will remain and will probably
prevent anything too dramatic happening.
Equally on the financial front, one can expect plenty of loud voices demanding
transparency against sovereign wealth funds taking over US corporations but,
at the end of day, an accommodation is likely in most cases. After all they
have the money, and money follows the golden rule - he who has the money makes
the rules. If an accommodation is not reached then the role of the US dollar's
position as the world's sole reserve currency is even more endangered than
it is at present.
In conclusion, the United States is going to have to adjust to a somewhat
different position in the world than it has enjoyed since the end of the Cold
War; an era of lower growth and a restructuring of its economy to meet new
and emerging needs and of a greying population amid the turbulence of change
as power shifts in the world to the BRICs. If the US is being challenged then
the impact will be felt everywhere to some degree. But the chances of a new
Smoot-Hartley Act, which brought on the great Depression of the 1930s, are,
hopefully, one lesson that has been well learnt.
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